Several weeks passed after Antonio’s funeral.
During that time, the Committee moved in its own way, and I moved in mine.
Persuading the Mexican government was easy.
They wanted this war to end. If eliminating Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán was possible, they were willing to join hands with anyone.
Of course, I didn’t mention the possibility that Juan José Esparragoza Moreno might defect to our side. The fewer people who knew that, the better.
But the Drug Enforcement Administration was a different story.
I had Ramos—who hadn’t yet left the DEA—sound them out indirectly, but their stance was firm: they wanted El Azul dead for his suspected involvement in the killing of Kiki Camarena.
“Boss. No matter how I think about it, this will be difficult.”
“Hm. Is the reason really Kiki?”
It had already been nearly twenty years since Kiki died. I couldn’t understand how that anger still lingered.
“May I speak my personal opinion?”
“Go ahead. You understand the DEA better than I do—I want your judgment.”
“I think the anger is genuine. Among DEA agents, there’s... something like an unspoken rule. When something happens, they consider it natural to avenge each other.”
“Really? That’s unexpected.”
Revenge wouldn’t bring the dead back, but I could understand the sentiment.
Still, I hadn’t expected that kind of bond within the DEA.
“They wouldn’t survive otherwise. DEA agents risk their lives being deployed across the world—not just Mexico, but most of Latin America, the Middle East, even Southeast Asia.”
I nodded. The DEA stood at the forefront of U.S. anti-drug policy.
They didn’t just intercept drugs entering the U.S.
They cooperated with foreign governments to burn cultivation fields and uproot entire organizations.
“All agents work in the most dangerous environments. And the governments they’re sent to often aren’t cooperative.”
“That makes sense. The profits from drug trafficking are enormous. Cartels must be spreading money among politicians and influential figures.”
Ramos nodded, his tone growing heavier.
“They face constant threats. They can disappear without a trace. That’s why the DEA declares retaliation if one of their own is harmed.”
I already knew that much.
So why the long explanation?
“So what are you saying? That the DEA still wants revenge?”
“No. Everyone directly involved in Kiki’s death has been arrested, and their boss, Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo, was extradited to the U.S. As for El Azul, there’s no solid evidence beyond Rafael Caro Quintero’s testimony. I think ‘revenge’ is just a cover.”
I gestured for him to continue.
“If I go further... I think they want this war to drag on until both the Committee and the Sinaloa Cartel weaken each other.”
“That would be the best outcome for them.”
“I’ve also heard from contacts inside the DEA that opinions about the Committee are divided.”
“Even after aligning with the White House?”
“Field agents have strong pride. They don’t trust political decisions.”
So even in the U.S., there was a gap between policymakers and operatives.
“The DEA can conduct independent operations. They prioritize field judgment.”
In short, what the DEA truly wanted was mutual destruction through prolonged war.
As I fell into thought, Ramos spoke firmly.
“Boss. Break their justification.”
“Break it?”
“The man who directly killed Kiki—Rafa—is still in a Mexican prison. Extradite him to the U.S.”
“Rafa is still in Mexico?”
“Yes. I don’t know the exact reason.”
I immediately called Manager Ma.
“Find out where Rafael Caro Quintero—Rafa—is being held.”
“Yes, I’ll look into it right away.”
After he left, I turned back to Ramos.
“You’re suggesting we use Rafa’s extradition as leverage. Will it work?”
“Rafa and El Azul are on completely different levels. If they have to choose one, it should be Rafa. If they still cling to El Azul, that gives us grounds to challenge their leadership.”
“Then let’s do it. We extradite Rafa.”
Ramos nodded quickly—but his expression wasn’t bright.
“It won’t be easy. For some reason, the Mexican government has refused to hand him over no matter what.”
“I’ll handle that. You focus on shaping the mood inside the DEA.”
“Understood, Boss.”
I shifted the topic.
“Ramos. What about the execution unit?”
“I was just about to report. Can we recruit DEA agents?”
“DEA agents?”
Not a bad idea—but risky.
“They might send spies along with them.”
“I have a few people I trust. I can persuade them. Many are from Latin America—they’ll adapt easily.”
If Ramos was confident, there were few better recruits.
“Fine. Bring them in.”
“I’m also contacting special forces from various countries. I’ve deliberately excluded the Mexican military.”
“Why?”
“It could create conflict with the Mexican government. Ironically, the least corrupt institutions in Mexico are the Marines and the army. If we start buying them too, the government will feel threatened.”
That surprised me.
The military had stayed relatively clean only because they hadn’t dealt directly with cartels.
But the war on drugs would eventually change that.
Ramos had already foreseen it.
“Do it. Form the unit as quickly as possible. Training will be handled by advisors from Black Bear. We’ll set up the base camp in Texas.”
“Understood.”
“Go and influence the DEA first. I’ll speak to the Mexican government.”
After sending him off, I immediately requested a meeting with the president.
* * *
“What exactly is this man hiding?” frёewebnoѵēl.com
After arranging the # Nоvеlight # meeting, I investigated Rafa’s situation.
Arrested by Mexican police, he had been sentenced to 40 years.
But—
“Is this a prison or a private villa?”
His facility even had a private kitchen.
“This is beyond corruption.”
“His family visits freely. His girlfriend stays for days.”
Unbelievable.
Even DEA agents like Ramos hadn’t known.
“Then the Mexican government has been hiding it.”
“Yes. They’ve rejected extradition requests repeatedly.”
“And after the administration changed?”
“No further requests were made.”
“Organize everything. I’ll show it directly to the president.”
“Yes, Boss.”
Soon, I stood before Vicente Fox.
“Charlie! When will El Chapo be dealt with? My officials are breathing down my neck!”
“Preparations are underway. It’ll be resolved soon.”
“Really? Can I trust that?”
“Of course.”
“Then why did you ask to meet?”
I handed him the documents.
“Were you aware of this?”
He skimmed through them.
“...What’s the problem? Are you trying to interfere in our prison system?”
“I don’t care about that. But Rafa is different.”
“He’s nothing now.”
“Not to the U.S.”
I stared at him silently.
“So what do you want?”
“Extradite Rafa to the U.S.”
“No. Impossible.”
So Rafa was more important than expected.
“What does he know that makes you react like this?”
“...It has nothing to do with me. But the government cannot allow it.”
So he wouldn’t say it directly.
Fine.
I had no choice but to bring out something stronger.
“Mr. President. I heard something interesting.”
“Interesting?”
“Yes. About your family.”
“Family?”
“American journalists already have substantial evidence.”
His expression hardened.
“What nonsense are you talking about?”
“That the real president of Mexico isn’t you—but First Lady Marta Sahagún.”
His face froze.
“That’s fiction.”
“I don’t believe the novel either. But... I heard they have recordings. That half your cabinet was chosen by her.”
He shot up from his seat.
“T-that’s impossible.”
“The source is reliable. The person who sold it used to work in your press office before your marriage. Claudia Siva. Do you recognize the name?”
He couldn’t answer.
“I’ll stop the article for you. In return, agree to Rafa’s extradition.”
He collapsed back into his chair.
“...I can’t decide this alone.”
“A president who can’t decide?”
“...You must promise this never leaks.”
“I’ll decide after hearing everything.”
“Give me your word. I’ve heard you value promises above all else.”
Why was he so desperate?
“...Fine. I won’t speak of this.”
Only then did he finally begin to talk.
And even hearing it firsthand—
I could hardly believe it.