In the aftermath of the Leak Gate scandal, President Bush’s approval rating had dropped sharply.
Although it had been orchestrated by the neoconservatives, public perception lumped President Bush and the neocons together as one and the same, so a decline in his support was inevitable.
Still, as the saying goes—sometimes you give up flesh to take the bone. President Bush was satisfied that the power of the neocons had weakened.
While President Bush was handling current affairs in the White House Oval Office, the Director of National Intelligence, John Negroponte, came to see him.
“Mr. President. I request a private meeting.”
At those words, President Bush set down the document he had been reading and dismissed everyone else from the room.
“Director John. What brings you here? Showing up unannounced like this.”
“My apologies. It’s an urgent matter.”
“Sit down first. Go on. If you came in such a hurry, it can’t be something trivial.”
Lowering his head slightly, Director John sat down and handed the documents he had brought to President Bush.
“Abnormal military movements have been detected in North Korea.”
“What?”
Startled, President Bush quickly picked up the documents lying before him.
“Movements have been detected from an armored brigade within the Fifth Corps, and troops from the Pyongyang Defense Command have also begun mobilizing.”
Even as President Bush flipped through the pages, Director John continued explaining.
“But the CIA isn’t sharing the information with us.”
At that, President Bush frowned and set the documents down.
“What? Are you saying the CIA isn’t cooperating with intelligence sharing? Just what the hell are those guys thinking?”
Clicking his tongue, President Bush picked up the internal phone beside him and immediately ordered that the CIA Director be summoned.
“It seems they tend to ignore the DNI because it’s a position without real authority. Not just the CIA—other agencies as well.”
“...They asked for an organization to coordinate intelligence, so we created one. But in exchange, we didn’t give it actual authority in the field.”
“That’s the problem. Intelligence only becomes meaningful when information collected on the ground is gathered and analyzed into patterns. Since we can’t intervene in field operations, we can only collect the information they choose to provide.”
Bush knew there was rivalry between intelligence agencies, but he hadn’t realized it was this bad.
Shaking his head, he spoke.
“Ha... we’ll discuss that later. So in your opinion, what do these abnormal North Korean troop movements mean? Another coup?”
“That’s not certain, but...”
Director John trailed off for a moment before continuing.
“According to Director Jessica’s assessment, there’s a strong possibility it’s related to Kim Muhyuk, who is currently visiting North Korea.”
At the familiar name, President Bush raised one eyebrow.
“Kim Muhyuk? Ah, right, that guy said he was visiting North Korea. Don’t tell me they’re planning to arrest him.”
“The Fifth Corps is stationed behind the Kaesong Industrial Complex. That makes it difficult for them to march on Pyongyang and stage a military coup. If there’s another objective, then at the moment it’s reasonable to assume it involves Kim Muhyuk.”
“There’s no reason for Jang Songthaek to abandon him... so it must be forces that oppose rapid changes in North Korea.”
“Yes. We believe China may be behind it. However, the intelligence is still too weak to confirm that—it’s only speculation.”
All signs pointed to a single person.
President Bush fell silent in thought, tapping the armrest of the sofa.
‘Letting him die like this wouldn’t be good for me either...’
The light tapping echoing through the quiet Oval Office suddenly stopped.
President Bush looked at Director John.
“Is there any way we can help Kim Muhyuk?”
“Wouldn’t Russia move faster than we could? Kim Muhyuk and the Russian president maintain a relationship that goes beyond simple friendship.”
“Russia...”
Just then, the door to the Oval Office opened and the CIA Director entered.
He paused for a moment when he saw Director John.
“Director Goss. Come in.”
President Bush greeted him with a bright smile, ❖ Nоvеl𝚒ght ❖ (Exclusive on Nоvеl𝚒ght) and Porter Goss returned the smile.
“Mr. President. You called for me?”
“Yes. Have a seat first.”
Director Goss sat down across from Director John.
The two men glared at each other, exchanging sharp looks.
Even though he clearly sensed the tension, President Bush pretended not to notice and began speaking.
“Director Goss. The reason I called you here is because I’ve heard intelligence sharing with the DNI isn’t going well.”
“....”
“The CIA insisted that field authority remain entirely with the existing intelligence agencies. So the DNI merely gathers information from each agency and compiles it. But if that information isn’t shared, the DNI becomes little more than a dead institution.”
At the calm reprimand, Director Goss cleared his throat lightly.
“We’re still adjusting to the system. Once things are properly organized...”
“Director Goss. I’m not asking for excuses. Because of the Plame leak scandal, the CIA has been through quite an ordeal. I appointed you despite considerable opposition in order to restore stability. Are you telling me you intend to betray my trust like this?”
President Bush had faced significant resistance when appointing Porter Goss, a Republican congressman, as CIA Director.
The last time a former member of the House had been appointed CIA Director was during the presidency of Bush’s father, George H. W. Bush.
“Mr. President, I don’t know what Director John has said to drive a wedge between us, but I have never once taken an action that would harm you.”
Director Goss glanced sharply at Director John before continuing.
“The DNI is overstepping its authority. They demand intelligence even when its authenticity hasn’t been verified yet. In particular, Director John is demanding advance reports on covert operations.”
“Wasn’t that the CIA’s own demand? You said you couldn’t give the Director of National Intelligence control over field operations. That’s why it became a half-formed institution. In exchange, you have to report.”
“Covert operations can be reported afterward—even to the President.”
CIA covert operations could be carried out at the sole discretion of the CIA Director without prior approval from the White House.
The attitude of someone unwilling to relinquish even the smallest fragment of power was unmistakable.
“Ha... enough. We’ll discuss that later.”
President Bush let out a deep sigh.
The rivalry between the CIA and the DNI had existed since the organization’s creation.
There was no point pressing the issue here. First, the urgent matter had to be addressed.
“I’ve been informed that abnormal troop movements have been detected in North Korea. Share the intelligence the CIA has obtained.”
“....”
“Goss. That’s an order. Rivalries are meaningless in the face of America’s national interest.”
Director Goss finally spoke with a reluctant expression.
“An armored brigade under the Fifth Corps has moved.”
“I already know that.”
“The brigade commander is a close aide to Choi Ryonghae, the Director of the General Political Bureau.”
“Choi Ryonghae? Then is he trying to stage a military coup!”
Director Goss shook his head.
“The commander of the Fifth Corps is one of Jang Songthaek’s closest allies. An armored brigade alone could never succeed. But if the Pyongyang Defense Command also moves, the probability...”
Director Goss began laying out the intelligence gathered by CIA officers.
“...and we’ve confirmed that former Chinese President Jiang Zemin is backing Choi Ryonghae. Their target appears to be Kim Muhyuk.”
President Bush let out a low groan. Both leaders of the intelligence agencies—the CIA and the DNI—had reached the same conclusion: the target was Kim Muhyuk.
“Kim Muhyuk is deeply involved with the North Korean regime. Jang Songthaek and Kim Muhyuk aren’t merely cooperating on economic matters—they appear to be partners in power. If Kim Muhyuk is eliminated, Jang Songthaek’s grip on power will weaken.”
“So what’s the bottom line? Has Kim Muhyuk been captured? Or is he dead?”
Impatient, President Bush pressed for an answer. Director Goss shook his head.
“There are no signs of that yet. However, satellite images confirm that clashes have occurred between the two sides.”
“So he could be dead?”
“If he were dead, there would have been unusual movements in Pyongyang. Since none have been observed yet, we’re monitoring via satellite while CIA agents in South Korea gather information.”
President Bush’s sigh deepened.
“...So in other words, nothing is certain.”
“Mr. President. Why don’t we move U.S. Forces Korea in this opportunity? We can use the justification of protecting Kim Muhyuk.”
“What?”
The first person to react to Director Goss’s suggestion was Director John. He jumped up in shock and shouted.
“Director Goss! Are you insane? No matter how hardline you are on North Korea, how can you even consider moving U.S. Forces Korea!”
“I'm not suggesting we start a war. We just need to rescue Kim Muhyuk. We could use our CIA agents...”
“Enough! That's enough!”
President Bush slammed his desk hard and raised his voice.
“Moving U.S. Forces Korea is absolutely out of the question. If we move, the Chinese military will move too. We cannot be the first to act.”
“This is an opportunity to raise your approval rating, Mr. President.”
President Bush shook his head firmly.
“No. The White House should warn the Chinese government so their military doesn't intervene.”
“Mr. President.”
“Director Goss. U.S. Forces Korea is not an option.”
Director Goss called out again as if reluctant to give up, but President Bush remained resolute.
“If a military coup breaks out in Pyongyang, we can discuss it again then. For now, think about how to save Kim Muhyuk.”
This was a chance to place Kim Muhyuk in his debt. With his approval rating falling, President Bush had no intention of letting such a golden opportunity slip away.
“Can you infiltrate CIA agents and special forces into the North?”
At President Bush’s question, Director Goss’s face brightened.
“Yes. We can deploy them immediately. One day will be enough.”
“Then put them on standby and observe the situation.”
“Yes, Mr. President.”
“Maintain secrecy. If this leaks outside, not only my head but yours won’t remain safe either, Director Goss.”
After issuing orders to the CIA Director, President Bush turned to the Director of National Intelligence as well.
“Collect all intelligence from every agency and share it with the Russian and South Korean governments.”
“Yes. I will do so.”
Director John answered with a face full of dissatisfaction.
“Leave now and prepare the operation. Report back immediately.”
The two men stood up and left the Oval Office.
President Bush picked up the phone beside him and called the Secretary of Defense.
The same events were unfolding not only in the White House in the United States, but also in Russia’s Kremlin and South Korea’s Blue House.
* * *
The last time I contacted Medvedev, he told me that Russian troops would be stationed near the border.
At the same time, he promised that Igor and the mercenaries would receive full support to cross the border. freeweɓnovēl.coɱ
The vehicle I was riding in had been driving along an unpaved road for over an hour.
At some point, the Guard Command military vehicles that had been escorting us stopped following.
There were only three vehicles that had crossed from South Korea into North Korea with me.
The one I was in, and two carrying my bodyguards.
Even by the simplest calculation, our forces were completely outmatched. That was, if this could even be called a force.
“Where are we now?”
Manager Kim checked the map before answering.
“It seems we’re near Wonsan.”
Since we had avoided highways and major roads that would obviously be under surveillance, moving only along secondary routes and smaller roads, the travel time had grown long.
“How long until we reach Rason?”
“We still have a long way to go. The road conditions are terrible. If we increase the speed any further, it could be dangerous.”
I clicked my tongue unconsciously. If I got out of this alive, I’d have to tear up every road in North Korea and rebuild them.
“Move in a way that attracts as little attention as possible.”
After giving the order, I fiddled with the satellite phone.
‘The U.S. Forces Korea or the South Korean military won’t cross the border, right?’
Whoever crossed the border first would completely change the political situation that followed.
Just then, the satellite phone rang. I quickly answered it.
“This is Kim Muhyuk.” freёweɓnovel.com
— Boss.
It was Manager Ma’s familiar voice.
“Manager.”
Hearing his voice filled me with deep relief.
Before I could even say anything else, Manager Ma spoke urgently—something rare for him.
— Are you safe? What happened?
Just as Manager Ma was asking about my safety, another voice could be heard beside him.
— Manager! L-let me talk!
It seemed Myungsoo had come looking for him. Hearing the familiar voices one after another eased my tension a little.
“I’m safe. Put Myungsoo on first.”
— Boss. I should have gone with you.
“I’m fine, so don’t worry too much. Just hand the phone over.”
A moment later, Myungsoo’s voice came through the line.
— Hey! Hey! You’re alive, right? You’re really okay?
“Yeah. I’m alive—that’s why I’m talking to you. Don’t make such a fuss.”
— What the hell are you saying, you lunatic? Don’t make a fuss? The Blue House is in chaos. This is the first time information sharing with the U.S. has moved this fast.
“Information came from the U.S.?”
I hadn’t expected the Americans to move this quickly.
— Yeah. Our government hadn’t even figured things out yet, but U.S. Forces Korea shared the intelligence. They said someone tried to arrest you. I heard there was a firefight too.
The Americans had a surprisingly detailed grasp of the situation.
“For now, I’m moving toward the Russian border by car. So tell everyone not to worry. And absolutely make sure neither the South Korean military nor the U.S. military crosses the border.”
— That’s... President Yoon Changho already issued an emergency standby order to the military. At this rate, it looks like they’re ready to cross the border.
That far?
Well... that’s actually kind of touching.
But touching or not, we absolutely couldn’t be the first to cross the border.
“No. You must pass this message to President Yoon Changho. Tell him I’ll make it to Russia safely one way or another, so he must not act rashly.”
— ...Alright. But you’re really okay, right?
“Do you think I’d die that easily? Don’t worry too much. And don’t tell Grandma under any circumstances.”
— Of course not. Why would I tell Grandma something like that?
Hearing Myungsoo’s voice eased my anxiety more than I expected.
Enough that I found myself smiling.
“Now put Manager Ma back on. I’ll contact you again once I reach Russia.”
— ...Huh. Come back safely. I’ll be waiting.
After Myungsoo handed the receiver back, Manager Ma spoke again in a low, steady voice.
— Boss.
“Manager, please don’t worry too much. The Russian side and Igor are already moving.”
At this pace, Igor might even arrive before we do.