Free Web NovelAfter touring Nampo City, I headed straight to Jang Songthaek’s office as soon as I arrived in Pyongyang.
Mun Gyeongdeok had already left, and I went up to the office alone.
Jang Songthaek’s secretary, who had been waiting outside, knocked and announced my arrival inside.
“Chairman. President Kim Muhyuk has arrived.”
As if he had been waiting, a voice immediately came from inside the office.
“Let him come in.”
At the sound of Jang Songthaek’s voice, the secretary opened the door.
Leaving behind the secretary who bowed his head in greeting, I stepped through the open door.
The moment I entered the office, I could tell that the atmosphere had sunk quite a bit.
‘Looks like they were having a serious discussion.’
To ease the awkward, uncomfortable air, I greeted them brightly.
“Chairman Jang Songthaek. Chief of Staff Medvedev. It’s good to see you both.”
Jang Songthaek smiled first and returned the greeting.
“President Kim. Did you finish inspecting Nampo City without any issues?”
“Yes. I worked well together with Mr. Mun Gyeongdeok, too. You sent a good man.”
“Haha! I’m glad he met your expectations. Even though he’s young, he works well. I brought him close to me purely based on ability.”
I nodded and turned my gaze toward Medvedev.
“It’s good to see you again here in Pyongyang, President Kim Muhyuk.”
Medvedev also smiled as he accepted my greeting.
“Indeed. It feels quite different seeing you in Pyongyang rather than in Seoul—especially here, in the Chairman’s office. But it’s good to see you all the same.”
Jang Songthaek and Medvedev were seated facing each other.
If I sat next to either one, it would look like I was taking that person’s side.
But sitting in the seat of honor didn’t feel quite right either.
Sensing my hesitation, Jang Songthaek smiled and spoke.
“Please, sit here.”
The seat he indicated was the seat of honor. No matter how considerate he was being, this felt a bit excessive.
“I don’t think it would be proper for me to sit there with the two of you present.”
“Haha. Are we really at a point where we need to worry about propriety between us? I don’t mind. Though I’m not sure what Chief of Staff Medvedev might think.”
“I don’t mind either. Please, have a seat, President Kim Muhyuk.”
Both of them treated it as natural for me to take the seat of honor.
As I sat down, I made a lighthearted remark.
“If I sit next to either of you, it’ll look like I’m backing that person, so today I’ll just sit here.”
As if on cue, both of them nodded at the same time.
Looking at them like this, they seemed surprisingly in sync.
“But why does the atmosphere feel so heavy?”
As soon as I sat down, I asked why the mood had sunk so low.
Thinking he had found an ally, Jang Songthaek answered right away.
“We were discussing Rason City, which has been leased to Russia.”
“You mean the Rason Special Economic Zone? Is that something the two of you would argue over? As I understand it, North Korea leased Rason City to Russia in exchange for forgiving the ten-billion-dollar debt.”
“Yes. That’s correct. But they’re saying they intend to station a Russian fleet at Rajin Port and Sonbong Port. Our Republic cannot accept that. And if we were to accept it, the United States or China would use it as a pretext to station their own troops.”
This was a more serious topic than I had expected. No wonder the mood was heavy.
It wasn’t something that could be answered easily, so I rubbed my chin and swallowed my hesitation.
“President Kim Muhyuk. At the Six-Party Talks held in Korea, it was agreed that no country would send troops into our Republic. Now Russia is suddenly trying to break that agreement, so I’m frustrated as well.”
I turned my head toward Medvedev and asked,
“Chief of Staff, what is the reason for wanting to station a fleet?”
“Although we are leasing Rason City, it will become a passageway for our country’s merchant ships. We intend to station a fleet there to protect them.”
That was nonsense.
If that were the reason, there was no need to station a fleet.
“Have you discussed this with the United States or China?”
“Do we need their permission? It’s a matter to be decided by Russia and North Korea.”
Medvedev’s response was quite firm.
For the usually easygoing Medvedev to react like this, there was a strong possibility that this was an order from the Kremlin.
Swallowing a deep sigh inwardly, I asked,
“Is this the will of the Kremlin?”
“Yes. It is the President’s will.”
It seemed that even for me, overturning this insistence would be difficult.
I had anticipated this to some extent.
If they had simply needed a trade port, they wouldn’t have forgiven a ten-billion-dollar debt.
Russia desperately needed an ice-free port to access the Pacific, and Rajin Port and Sonbong Port in Rason City met that condition perfectly.
“If it’s the will of the Kremlin, then you intend to push it through no matter what.”
“If a fleet cannot be stationed, then the value of leasing Rason City isn’t ten billion dollars—it’s not even one hundred million. Massive investment is required just to upgrade the facilities at Rajin Port and Sonbong Port.”
It was true that the facilities at both ports were outdated.
“Couldn’t you have told us in advance? From the North Korean government’s perspective, this is like a bolt from the blue.”
I glanced sideways at Jang Songthaek.
From the moment the Kremlin was mentioned, a deep shadow had fallen across his face.
‘How do I untangle this.’
An agreement between the Russian and North Korean governments wouldn’t be the end of it.
If a Russian fleet were stationed there, China would inevitably demand to station troops in Sinuiju.
The United States or South Korea might do the same in Kaesong or Nampo.
Everything was a battle of justification.
“No matter how I look at it, this isn’t something that ends with an agreement between North Korea and Russia. It could easily turn into an even bigger problem. Does Russia really think it can persuade the United States and China?”
“That’s not our problem. It’s something the North Korean government needs to handle.”
At that point, Jang Songthaek joined the conversation.
“We have no grounds to persuade the United States or China. The Six-Party Talks agreed that no country’s troops would be stationed here. How are we supposed to persuade them otherwise?”
“Then Russia will give up on Rason City. We’ll annul the contract between the Russian and North Korean governments.”
North Korea, which absolutely could not accept it, and Russia, which said it would abandon the lease of Rason City if it wasn’t accepted, stood in sharp opposition.
As I listened to their exchange, I organized my thoughts.
‘No matter how much Russia wants an ice-free port, this is excessive. There’s no way he wouldn’t know that this could drag in the United States and China as well. Something feels off.’
This was an issue where I had no choice but to side with North Korea.
I stepped in between the two of them as their voices rose.
“Alright, let’s calm down for a moment. Both of you are getting too heated.”
At my gentle attempt to mediate, the two men glared at each other and fell silent.
“Medvedev, stationing the Pacific Fleet right now is an excessive demand. The United States and China won’t overlook it, and the favorable winds we’re finally feeling could stop altogether.”
“Do you think I don’t know that? But that man is being extremely hardline.”
“Someone must be whispering in his ear. I’m right, aren’t I? When we spoke before, he didn’t mention this even once. There’s no way he doesn’t know how much effort I’m putting into North Korea right now. Who is it?”
After a pause, Medvedev answered.
“······It’s the siloviki. They believe this is an opportunity to increase Russia’s influence in the Pacific.”
“I thought so. Just as expected.”
It was exactly the kind of argument the siloviki—dominated by military and former KGB figures—would make.
“What about the oligarchs?”
“They’re opposed. That said, they’re not exactly friendly toward developing Rason City either.”
“They’re not friendly toward developing Rason City? The {N•o•v•e•l•i•g•h•t} oligarchs?”
“Their view is that there’s no reason to come all the way down to Rason City when Vladivostok already exists.”
“The oligarchs are underestimating North Korea as a market. North Korea’s potential is absolutely not something to ignore. South Korea and North Korea are the same people. With the right catalyst, North Korea’s economy will grow rapidly. And as the economy grows, purchasing power will rise with it. They’re failing to recognize an attractive market.”
That was the oligarchs’ biggest flaw.
They were only interested in stable natural resources and raw materials, rarely turning their attention to other industries.
As a result, it was hard to find much manufacturing in a country as large as Russia.
It was a chronic problem dating back to the Soviet era—the continuation of the collective farm system and a culture that looked down on light industry.
After the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of Russia, there had been some effort to foster manufacturing, but the oligarchs had no interest in such ventures.
At the same time, Russia lacked globally dominant banks or financial institutions.
For a country often described as a superpower second only to the United States, it relied almost entirely on exporting natural resources—much like Middle Eastern countries.
“They need to break their habit of overreliance on natural resources. Or dive into high value-added industries like IT. At least there’s Yandex, but it still has a long way to go.”
“Yandex is a company you invested in as well, isn’t it, President Kim?”
“That’s right. More importantly, if North Korea’s economy grows, Russia’s exports of raw materials will increase. Economic growth consumes enormous amounts of raw materials. So scrapping this project is absolutely not an option.”
Medvedev spoke in an uncertain tone.
“Still······. His resolve is too firm. I don’t have confidence I can persuade him.”
I turned my head toward Jang Songthaek.
“Chairman. What if, as a compromise, we develop Rason City first and then revisit the issue of stationing a naval fleet later? If you simply refuse outright, Russia probably won’t invest at all.”
“······If the United States and China tacitly approve it, then I will agree as well.”
Jang Songthaek continued to choose the safest path to the end, but under the circumstances, that was likely the best he could offer.
I nodded and looked back and forth between the two of them.
“For now, let’s start with developing Rason City, and discuss the fleet issue later through further negotiations. Simply pressuring the North Korean government isn’t the solution. I’ll try speaking with the President myself.”
Reading my intention to step in personally, Medvedev’s face brightened.
“Would you do that?”
“Yes. Let’s make the call.”
“Thank you, President Kim. Chairman. I’ll contact Moscow.”
Jang Songthaek gestured toward the phone on the desk.
“Please, go ahead.” ƒreeωebnovel.ƈom
Medvedev picked up the phone. Judging by how quickly a familiar voice came through the receiver, he must have called a direct line.
“Mr. President. This is Medvedev. President Kim Muhyuk would like to speak with you. Yes, yes. Then I’ll hand it over.”
Medvedev passed the receiver to me.
“Mr. President. This is Kim Muhyuk.”
—Muhyuk. What is it?
“I’m calling regarding the issue of stationing the Pacific Fleet in Rason City.”
—Why are you getting involved in that? It’s a matter between us and the North Korean government.
“But if neither side yields, development in North Korea will ultimately be delayed. For now······.”
I spent quite some time persuading the man who ruled the Kremlin.
At first, he cleared his throat irritably, but later his voice softened, as if he had come to understand.
—So you’re saying we should proceed with developing Rason City first.
“Yes. Let’s move forward with development first and discuss it again later. It would be better to talk about it once we have grounds to persuade the United States and China.”
—I’ll give it some thought.
“For today, let’s wrap up the oil pipeline project first. Please reconsider the matter of Rason City.”
—Very well. Put Medvedev back on.
I handed the receiver back to Medvedev.
His face, which had been filled with anxiety up until the moment he took the receiver, gradually brightened.
“Mr. President, this is Medvedev. ······Understood. Then for now, we’ll only finalize agreements regarding the construction of the oil and gas pipelines. We’ll proceed as instructed.”
After speaking on the phone for quite some time, Medvedev finally hung up.
“The President says we should set aside the fleet issue for now and revisit it later.”
“That’s a relief.”
“President Kim Muhyuk’s persuasion must have worked.”
I smiled at Medvedev’s noticeably gentler tone.
“Chairman, you shouldn’t just reject it outright either—please think it over. Having a Russian fleet come in wouldn’t be a deal where only North Korea loses.”
Jang Songthaek nodded reluctantly.
“Then let’s put that issue aside for now and focus on discussing the construction of the oil and gas pipelines.”
Both men nodded, and we began a full discussion on building the oil and gas pipelines.
