Free Web NovelAt Koizumi’s reply, the corner of Jang Songthaek’s mouth lifted.
“Don’t think about changing your story later, Prime Minister Koizumi.”
Jang Songthaek’s Japanese was quite fluent.
English, Chinese, and Japanese—just as you’d expect from a top North Korean elite.
—Unless you intend to overturn the negotiating table entirely, that won’t happen. Then do you agree to our government’s participation in the talks now?
“Our Republic agrees. However, isn’t the South’s position more important than anything else?”
As he said that, Jang Songthaek looked toward Yoon Changho.
Since the conversation had been conducted in Japanese, Yoon Changho had no idea what had been said.
Smiling, I summarized the exchange for him.
“They can’t explicitly use the term ‘compensation,’ but they’re willing to match the amount the North demands as closely as possible instead. They’ve also agreed that before any official negotiations, I’ll conduct unofficial talks on behalf of the North.”
Surprise spread across Yoon Changho’s face at my explanation.
“The Japanese government agreed to that?”
“Yes. Didn’t I tell you? Japan is desperate to attend this meeting because of domestic political issues. To improve relations with North Korea, the compensation issue has to be resolved first. Given the current situation, Japan has to resolve it one way or another. If they have to do it anyway, accepting these conditions and turning the five-party talks into six-party talks works better for them too.”
“I see. Then they might accept our conditions as well?”
Yoon Changho’s eyes shone with anticipation.
I shook my head.
“That’s hard to guarantee. North Korea and South Korea aren’t the same.”
“Hmmm.”
While I was speaking with Yoon Changho, the conversation between Jang Songthaek and Koizumi came to an end.
“Prime Minister Koizumi. Once negotiations with the South are concluded, a summit meeting should be possible. Let’s meet face to face and talk again then.”
—Very well. Dialogue with North Korea is something I welcome at any time as well.
With a satisfied expression, Jang Songthaek looked at me and said,
“I’ve said everything I needed to say.”
I nodded and spoke again.
“Prime Minister. This is Kim Muhyuk.”
—Thank you, President Kim.
Koizumi was already offering his thanks.
But there was still one person left to persuade.
“It’s too early for thanks. We still have to overcome the wall of the South Korean government. I’ll now state the South’s conditions.”
Since Yoon Changho didn’t speak Japanese, I had no choice but to lead the conversation.
—Go ahead. We’ll accommodate most things.
“An apology for historical issues would be difficult. Correct?”
—······Impossible. I don’t know about the future, but not now.
“I know. Then President Yoon Changho’s condition is that Japan’s participation will be permitted on the condition that exploration and development of Block 7 resume.”
—Resuming exploration and development of Block 7?
“That’s correct.”
—Is that really all? That’s not difficult at all. We can resume immediately.
Koizumi accepted it readily.
He was probably planning to just act like he was doing it again.
“The Korean and Japanese governments don’t trust each other. So how about appointing a major oil company as an agent and entrusting them with exploration?”
—You’re saying to hand Block 7’s development to an oil company from another country?
Caught off guard by this condition, Koizumi asked in confusion.
“That’s right. Fortunately, through Dream High, which is connected to me, we’ve just acquired all of Russia’s Yukos’ assets and technology. If we contract with Yugansk and entrust them with exploration and development, neither government will be able to halt the process for political reasons. If they did, it would escalate into a diplomatic dispute involving both the United States and Russia.”
I owned Dream High, but Dream High itself was clearly a U.S.-based American company.
Even though Dream High had acquired Yugansk, Yugansk was still one of Russia’s major corporations.
If Yugansk was involved, even if Japan tried to unilaterally terminate the contract by paying penalties, it would have to accept diplomatic conflict with both countries.
That was why I wanted to put Yugansk forward as the agent.
Japan wouldn’t easily stomach a dispute involving both the United States and Russia.
—Why entrust exploration and development to another company at all? Korea has the Korea National Oil Corporation, and we have Japan Oil. Just like before······.
“Because we don’t trust you. Do you think the Korean government doesn’t know Japan plans to stall for time? That’s why we’re saying to sign a contract with an oil company unrelated to either government. If exploration and development are entrusted to that company, it’s something we can trust. Or did you think that if you just got past this moment, things would somehow work out?”
—That’s not what I meant, but······.
“Yugansk is an oil company with proven exploration and drilling capabilities. Rather than dragging things out and delaying development, now—when oil prices are rising steeply—is the right time to develop Block 7.”
—Even so, that would be difficult.
“Then the Korean government will oppose Japan’s participation in the talks. No matter how much the North urges Japan’s inclusion, if the South and North can’t reach an agreement, it’ll be difficult for Japan to attend.”
I turned to Yoon Changho and asked,
“They say resuming exploration is possible, but handing exploration and development rights to another company is unacceptable, Mr. President.”
“What? So they were planning another trick. Then I can’t support Japan’s participation in the talks. Convey that.”
I nodded.
“He says to treat this as if it never happened.”
—This time, we’ll genuinely conduct exploration properly. President Yoon is listening, isn’t he?
“He is, but he can’t converse in Japanese. He can understand some of it, though.”
—Please tell him that we’ll truly make efforts to ensure exploration and development proceed this time. Ask him to trust us.
I relayed that directly to Yoon Changho.
With a scoffing laugh, Yoon Changho replied,
“I don’t trust the Japanese government. So tell him to treat this as if it never happened.”
I added his words verbatim.
“He says that given Japan’s track record so far, the Korean government can no longer extend trust. If you don’t accept the proposal, he wants this matter treated as if it never happened—this is the final word.”
Koizumi couldn’t answer right away.
“If Yugansk obtains the development rights, we’ll do our utmost for the benefit of both Korea and Japan. If you simply wait for negotiations to end in 2028, China will also assert ownership over Block 7. China is already conducting exploration near Block 7. You know that as well, Prime Minister.”
—It would be difficult for China to assert ownership over that area.
“Is China a country you can reason with? No one can predict how they’ll act. But I’m certain they will assert ownership. The United States thinks the same. That’s why securing it as quickly as possible is most important. If Yugansk holds the development rights, China won’t be able to ignore both Russia and the United States. This benefits Japan as well—it’s not a loss.”
—Hmm······.
Prime Minister Koizumi swallowed, clearly deep in thought.
“I understand why you want to wait until 2028. But that’s still more than twenty years away. You don’t even know whether you’ll still be in office then. If drilling succeeds during your term, that becomes your achievement. So sign the contract with Yugansk. It will bring you significant benefits as well.”
I finished and waited.
Koizumi’s deliberation was long. After quite some time, he asked in a subdued voice,
—Do I have to give an answer right now?
“The five-party talks begin in three days. To attend, schedules need to be adjusted starting now. Delegations from each country arrive tomorrow. Even if Japan is a day late, you’d need to arrive by the day after tomorrow. It would be best to give a firm answer now so the Korean government can begin negotiations with the U.S. government.”
I cut him off decisively. If I gave him time to stall, he’d surely cook up another scheme.
—Is the Korean government in favor of granting Yugansk exploration and development rights?
“Yes. That’s correct.”
—Very well. Let’s do that. I’m only giving a verbal promise for now, but as long as bilateral negotiations proceed {N•o•v•e•l•i•g•h•t} smoothly, we’ll move forward immediately.
Koizumi answered in a resigned tone. I pulled up the corner of my mouth and clenched my fist tightly.
“You’ve made a wise decision.”
I relayed Koizumi’s words to Yoon Changho.
“Prime Minister Koizumi says he’ll do it.”
“What? Is that for real?”
Yoon Changho was visibly startled.
Perhaps he hadn’t expected Japan to actually accept the condition, because he asked again.
“Ask him again. Ask if it’s really true.”
At Yoon Changho’s reaction, I smiled and replied,
“Mr. President. He says he will. It’s a verbal promise, but he said that once bilateral negotiations proceed properly, they’ll move ahead with the contract.”
“······Japan really must be desperate.”
“Probably so.”
“But can we trust it? It’s just a verbal promise. They could attend the talks and then pretend nothing happened.”
“That’s unlikely. But just in case, would you like to take out some insurance?”
“Insurance?”
“Yes. We record it—leave proof in his own voice.”
Yoon Changho nodded.
“Good. Let’s do that.”
With Yoon Changho’s approval, I called Koizumi again.
“Prime Minister. We’ll begin recording now to preserve evidence. Do you consent?”
—What? Recording?
“Yes. The Japanese side could always deny this later. So we’ll record it as evidence. Do you consent?”
—Is it really necessary to go that far?
“It’s President Yoon Changho’s firm decision.”
—Even if we’re the ones in a difficult position······.
“Didn’t I say earlier? You’d need to make major concessions. You were the one who asked me to persuade them.”
—Hah······. Very well. Let’s do it.
With a deep sigh, Koizumi agreed.
I took out a recorder from my chest pocket and started recording.
“Then, Prime Minister, I’ll ask again. Recording will begin now. Do you consent?”
—I consent.
“The Japanese government agrees to proceed with a contract, together with the Korean government, delegating exploration and development rights for Block 7 to Yugansk. Do you agree?”
—I agree. However! The contract will proceed after consultations between the Korean and Japanese governments.
I turned to Yoon Changho as well.
“Mr. President, do you also agree to entrusting Yugansk with the exploration and development rights for Block 7, and to proceeding with the contract after consultations with the Japanese government?”
Yoon Changho looked at me with a weary expression and answered,
“I agree.”
I picked up the recorder and put it back into my chest pocket.
“The recording is complete, Prime Minister.” fɾeeweɓnѳveɭ.com
—Hah. Then I’ll proceed on the understanding that six-party talks including Japan will be held, and I’ll begin preparations immediately. Is that acceptable?
“Yes. The delegation must arrive in Korea by the day after tomorrow at the latest.”
—Understood. Then President Yoon Changho, Chairman Jang Songthaek—let’s speak again face to face next time.
After leaving his greeting, Koizumi abruptly hung up.
Holding my phone, I looked back and forth between Yoon Changho and Jang Songthaek and said,
“Prime Minister Koizumi seems pretty angry, doesn’t he?”
