Free Web NovelPresident Yoon Changho smiled and replied to Vice Chairman Jang Songthaek’s remark.
“I’m afraid I can’t grant your request to send President Kim to the Republic.”
“What a shame. If only you would, our Republic was prepared to make some rather generous concessions.”
What are these people doing, putting someone on the spot like this?
I raised one eyebrow and looked back and forth between the two of them.
“And did either of you think to ask my opinion before deciding things on your own?”
Yoon Changho and Jang Songthaek both laughed as they looked at me. Knowing it was just banter between them, I brushed it off with a light rebuke.
“That aside, did the talks go well? The full-scale negotiations are supposed to begin tomorrow, and......”
Just the fact that Jang Songthaek had crossed the Military Demarcation Line into South Korea today was already enough to call this summit a success. freēwēbηovel.c૦m
Holding a cordial exchange at the Peace House, having lunch together, and then moving on to Seoul were all just bonuses.
After arriving in Seoul, there would be a brief rest, followed by a welcome banquet at the Blue House State Guesthouse starting in the evening.
In other words, the real negotiations would begin tomorrow.
Starting tomorrow, there would be working-level talks first, followed by a one-on-one summit between President Yoon Changho and Vice Chairman Jang Songthaek.
That meeting was supposed to take place with no aides present—just the two leaders alone.
At least, that’s what I understood.
“Hm...... Didn’t you hear? It was broadcast live.”
Yoon Changho asked with a puzzled look.
“I must’ve dozed off while waiting. I was up early preparing.”
“I see. The Vice Chairman made some very important remarks. You could really feel his sincerity.”
“Important remarks?”
I turned my head and looked at Jang Songthaek. He shrugged and lifted one corner of his mouth.
Seeing that, Yoon Changho chuckled softly and continued.
“He said that the First Battle of Yeonpyeong two years ago was an incident caused by North Korea’s mistake. He also expressed regret to the South Korean citizens and the bereaved families who suffered because of it.”
Jang Songthaek said something like that? That wasn’t even discussed with me beforehand.
No matter how pragmatic Jang Songthaek was, admitting past mistakes and apologizing for them was not an easy decision for a ruler to make.
Especially when it wasn’t even something he had done personally—and when the other side was a hostile nation staring down the barrel of a gun.
‘And he expressed regret in his own words...... That’s basically a live broadcast to the entire world saying, “Let’s put the past behind us and move forward together into a new era.” He really made his mark on the global stage.’
Jang Songthaek had made a major decision. I couldn’t help but nod.
“I didn’t know you had made such a statement, Vice Chairman. It’s a shame I missed such an event.”
The reporters—and everyone present—must have been just as stunned. As if adding an explanation, Jang Songthaek spoke.
“There was no other reason for my expression of regret regarding the unfortunate incident in the West Sea. It was simply the most recent clash between our Republic and South Korea.”
The First Battle of Yeonpyeong, which occurred while South Korea was swept up in World Cup festivities, had been devastating news.
Though it was often described as a South Korean victory, many young soldiers had lost their lives.
Some were even left to live with lifelong disabilities.
In that sense, Jang Songthaek expressing regret was a good start.
Especially when Japan—right next door—still hadn’t offered a proper apology.
But if one was going to do it, it would be better to do it properly, with a real apology and compensation.
“Since you’ve gone this far, let’s take it further.”
“Further? What do you mean by that?”
“Not just an expression of regret, but a proper apology and compensation......”
“That won’t do.”
At that moment, Choi Ryonghae and Kim Younggun cut me off at the same time.
“Using the word ‘regret’ alone is sufficient, Comrade Vice Chairman. Going any further would pose a serious political risk.”
Kim Younggun spoke first, and Choi Ryonghae followed up.
“Comrade Vice Chairman. If you go any further, there could be significant backlash in Pyongyang. Our people also suffered greatly in that incident. And yet you have already said it was the Republic’s mistake and expressed regret for it. That alone fulfills everything you are obligated to do.”
I hadn’t even explained the method yet, and the two of them were already pushing back hard.
They clearly seemed worried that Jang Songthaek might actually accept my suggestion.
Jang Songthaek frowned, glared at Choi Ryonghae and Kim Younggun, then turned to me.
“A proper apology, you say? Do you understand what that means in international politics? Just expressing regret already carries a considerable political burden.”
I met Jang Songthaek’s gaze head-on. With his aides present, he didn’t show it openly, but there was a faint trace of irritation and unease in his eyes.
“I understand. Since you’ve already ◆ Nоvеlіgһt ◆ (Only on Nоvеlіgһt) made such a major decision, why not take just one more step?”
“.......”
Yoon Changho, who had been quietly listening to the exchange between me and Jang Songthaek, spoke up.
“President Kim. I think this is enough as it is. The fact that the Vice Chairman made such a statement without prior consultation already gives us a great deal, doesn’t it?”
I hadn’t expected even Yoon Changho to voice opposition. I turned my head slightly and looked at Kissinger.
“Kissinger. What do you think?”
Caught off guard by the sudden question, Kissinger scratched his cheek with an awkward expression.
“Well. There’s been a lot of debate over the years about how far an apology between states can go. But there’s never really been a clear-cut answer.”
“......So you’re against it too?”
Kissinger shook his head as he met my eyes. A peculiar smile hung on his lips.
“No. If I were the Vice Chairman, I’d offer a proper apology and compensation.”
“May I ask why?”
“Because of Japan. North Korea has some compensation to extract from Japan, doesn’t it? If you want to get the full amount you’re owed, it’s better to compensate South Korea first. You’ve already used the word ‘regret.’ Since that precedent has been set, you might as well make use of it.”
All eyes turned to Kissinger, silently asking for a more detailed explanation.
After clearing his throat once, Kissinger explained at length, making sure everyone could hear.
“For a state apology, there are three prerequisites. First, there must be a way to restore the damaged pride and honor of the victim state or the affected group. This establishes that the victims were not at fault and that the wrongdoing lies with the perpetrator. That condition has effectively been met by acknowledging fault through an expression of regret.”
He moved on to the second requirement.
“Second, there must be an expression of remorse for what happened because of the perpetrator. It’s important to convey that the perpetrator shares the pain caused by past actions. This is what gives an apology its sincerity.”
Adjusting his glasses, Kissinger explained the final point. freёwebnovel.com
“Lastly, for an expression of regret not to be dismissed as mere political rhetoric, it must be followed by a promise of compensation or concrete future measures. Compensating for material and psychological suffering implies deep reflection on the wrongdoing itself.”
When Kissinger finished speaking, a heavy silence settled over the room.
From Jang Songthaek’s perspective, these were conditions he couldn’t easily accept.
“......Dr. Kissinger’s words are difficult to accept. The concept of remorse doesn’t sit well with disputes between states.”
After rubbing his chin and thinking for a moment, Kissinger replied.
“Let me give an example that’s easier to understand—Japan and Germany. South Korea and North Korea are both victims of Japan’s war crimes, so it’s a fitting comparison.”
Japan and Germany were the perpetrators of World War II—war criminal states.
“Japan has never offered a sincere apology for the war it waged. To the victimized countries—Korea, China, and Southeast Asian nations—it paid money under the guise of ‘consolation payments,’ not compensation. Even now, it continues to argue that its past actions were justified.”
Japan never truly admits its wrongdoing.
Even when it does, it doesn’t hesitate to make statements that contradict that admission.
“Germany, on the other hand, has repeatedly offered sincere apologies and compensation. As a result, its relations with neighboring countries are not poor, and it now exercises influence as a core member of the EU. Without settling the past, it’s difficult to move toward the future.”
Jang Songthaek swallowed. Given how aggressively North Korea had always responded to Japan, the example seemed to give him pause.
“As these two cases show, despite both being war criminal states, the weight of their apologies is entirely different. I would like North Korea to follow Germany’s example.”
Kissinger finished with a smile. Picking up where he left off, I addressed Jang Songthaek.
“As Dr. Kissinger said, for an apology to be sincere, compensation must follow. I believe the benefits gained from that will be far greater. If you make a bold decision now, Vice Chairman, you’ll also gain a strategic advantage in future negotiations with Japan.”
Jang Songthaek nodded slowly, his expression grave.
“I will have to give this some thought. This doesn’t seem like something I can decide on my own.”
Of course, it was my suggestion—but I wasn’t expecting much.
With Choi Ryonghae and Kim Younggun already opposing it, who was going to support it?
“If a sincere apology is made, it might not be a bad idea for the South Korean government to take responsibility for administering the compensation. After all, it would be the first step toward easing lingering resentment. Don’t you think, Mr. President?”
“Hmm......”
Yoon Changho couldn’t answer easily either. Since this was ultimately a matter for the two leaders to decide, it was probably best to leave it there.
Still, there was one thing I needed to say.
“The decision is ultimately yours, so I’ll refrain from pressing the issue further. That said, since the two of you have come together, I believe it would be good to resolve the uncomfortable past. Otherwise, it will become an obstacle when it comes time to declare an end to the war.”
At the words “end to the war,” Yoon Changho gave a small cough, and Jang Songthaek’s eyes widened.
“You both know this, don’t you? For true cooperation, a formal end to the war is far better than an armistice. As long as we remain in an armistice state, there will be enormous restrictions on even basic exchanges between the North and the South. No matter how warm the atmosphere may be, it’s still technically a state of war.”
Ending the war was a topic Yoon Changho himself had raised with me before.
I agreed with his view that the war needed to end.
However, a declaration ending the war would inevitably depend more heavily on the will of the United States, China, and North Korea.
South Korea, despite being a party directly affected, held no real authority.
That was because when the armistice was signed, North Korea, China, and the United States had done so without South Korea, excluding it as a formal party.
“China also signed the armistice not as the Chinese People’s Army, but as the Chinese People’s Volunteers—a militia force. By that logic, China, like South Korea, isn’t technically a party either. That means the United States and North Korea could declare an end to the war without including either of our countries. Or, of course, all four could gather and reach an agreement together.”
Because the armistice had been rushed to halt the war, it was riddled with loopholes.
Jang Songthaek, seemingly puzzled by my statement, asked,
“......Would the United States agree to that?”
“That’s not for me to answer. Dr. Kissinger will.”
With that, Kissinger and I launched into a lengthy discussion focused on ending the war.
Kissinger, too, believed that only by formally ending the war could the wall dividing North and South be torn down.
That said, he wasn’t unconditionally optimistic. True to form, he prioritized U.S. national interests.
“The United States is open to a peace treaty. There would be various conditions attached, of course, but under U.S. leadership, a peace agreement could be pursued.”
Kissinger spoke with confidence, as if he had already discussed the matter with President Bush.
“For the sake of peace on the Korean Peninsula, a peace treaty is something that must at least be discussed.”
