Free Web NovelA few days later.
North Korea’s official newspaper, Rodong Sinmun, carried an article about the plenary meeting of the Central Committee.
And Korean Central Television and radio broadcasts also reported on it.
— At the headquarters building of the Party Central Committee, the headquarters of the revolution, on November 12, Juche 92, the 22nd Plenary Meeting of the 6th Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea was held.
— The plenary meeting was guided by Comrade Kim Jongil, Chairman of the Workers’ Party of Korea and the supreme leader of our Party, state, and armed forces.
— Attending the plenary meeting were members and alternate members of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea...
In South Korea, special broadcasts analyzing the event followed one after another.
“Interesting.”
So-called North Korea experts appeared on the news, offering their analyses of the plenary meeting.
— A new position called First Secretary has been created, and Jang Songthaek has taken that seat. What does this mean? It strongly suggests that rumors about Kim Jongil’s poor health are true. It appears to be an intention to place Jang Songthaek as a figurehead and prepare the succession before handing power to Kim Jongnam.
Listening to what was little more than nonsense, I lifted my coffee cup.
— It has already been confirmed through multiple channels that Jang Songthaek raised Kim Jongnam practically on his back. By positioning Jang Songthaek as a guardian, they intend to prepare Kim Jongnam as the successor. In the past, when Kim Jongil was made the successor, figures like Choi Hyun—comrades who founded the Republic alongside Kim Ilsung—acted as his patrons. Combined with the legitimacy of being the eldest son, this strengthens the case.
An opposing opinion was immediately presented.
— This is not the first time Jang Songthaek has entered the center of power. Linking it to rumors about Kim Jongil’s health is pure speculation. And according to what we’ve learned, Kim Jongil’s heart has already turned away from Kim Jongnam. Rather, there’s information suggesting Kim Jongchul is more likely.
The two fiercely poked holes in each other’s arguments, launching into a heated debate.
The host, who had been listening quietly, asked a question to lighten the mood.
— Many people, including Ri Ulsol, were dismissed this time. What are your thoughts on that?
Rodong Sinmun had released photographs of Ri Ulsol being arrested in the main conference hall during the plenary session.
In addition to him, more than ten people were arrested right there in the meeting hall.
They were dragged out, having resigned themselves to their fate.
They were men who had stood beside Kim Ilsung and Kim Jongil, guarding them.
“Go ahead, write novels. All of you.”
I couldn’t listen any longer. I shook my head and turned off the TV.
With such limited public information, the analyses offered by self-proclaimed experts were no different from fiction.
“It does look like Jang Songthaek has seized real power.”
“Yes. That seems to be the case.”
“He used his head well. That man, Jang Songthaek. Instead of killing Kim Jongil’s people, he showed them being publicly arrested, making it look as though Kim Jongil himself was casting them out. Then he filled their positions with his own people......”
Jang Songthaek had filled most of the Central Committee positions with his own men.
Among them, the most striking figure was Choi Ryunghae.
Under normal circumstances, he would have been at the forefront of purging Jang Songthaek.
And yet now, he was standing right beside Jang Songthaek, appointed as a Central Committee member.
Beyond that, Jang Songthaek’s people occupied key posts throughout the Politburo, the Secretariat, and specialized departments.
This was a clear signal that he had completely seized control of the Party.
“When will the call come, I wonder.”
I muttered while fidgeting with my phone.
It was only after another week passed that Igor finally contacted me.
— Boss. This is Igor.
“Igor. It’s good to hear your voice. Are you safe?”
— I’ve just arrived in Vladivostok. I’m calling from the camp.
Fatigue was thick in Igor’s voice. It sounded like he’d called immediately, without even taking time to rest.
“What happened?”
At my question, Igor slowly began to explain.
He described how Ri Ulsol had moved the troops and faced off against the 1st and 3rd Corps.
Fortunately, they subdued them without a major battle, and Jang Songthaek headed straight to Pyongyang afterward.
“That’s a relief. What did Jang Songthaek say?”
— He told us to leave North Korea. Kim Jongil and his family were taken to another villa.
“Anything else?”
— He said he’d contact you once things were somewhat settled. But he didn’t say when.
So I had no choice but to wait for Jang Songthaek’s call.
“Good work. Please handle the cleanup now. As for the payments, take care of them yourself.”
— Yes, Boss.
Igor’s work wasn’t finished yet. I hesitated briefly, then spoke again.
“Once everything is wrapped up, spend the end of the year with your family. When the new year begins, come to Korea.”
— Understood.
“Then I’ll see you in Korea next year.”
Jang Songthaek contacted me three nights after my call with Igor.
— President Kim Muhyuk. This is Jang Songthaek.
“I’ve been waiting, First Secretary Jang.”
— Hahaha.
Jang Songthaek laughed loudly at the title “First Secretary.”
— That title makes me uncomfortable. Please just call me Vice Chairman.
“Very well, Vice Chairman.”
Jang Songthaek had taken on more than one title this time.
If he asked to be addressed a certain way, there was no reason not to oblige.
— Soon, the South Korean government will be contacted. I intend to request a special envoy. Officially, it will be for separated family reunions. After that, we can coordinate what we’ll do together. I’d like you to come along then.
“Is the internal cleanup completely finished?”
— It’s still ongoing. But Pyongyang is completely under the control of me and my comrades. The People’s Army will take time, but we’re gradually carrying out a purge. We’re replacing them with people loyal to me. It’s not something that can be finished quickly.
Kim Ilsung and Kim Jongil had ruled for fifty years. It was only natural that people whose loyalty was rooted deep with them still remained.
— First, we need to put out the immediate fire. We have to lift the border closure and get the economic sanctions withdrawn. That’s how my power will solidify. That will be the justification...... and that will become my strength.
“Have you contacted the United States?”
— Not yet. But I’m considering holding talks with them soon. Wouldn’t it be sufficient to propose abandoning nuclear development and accepting IAEA inspections as conditions?
“Can you suppress internal backlash?”
At my question, Jang Songthaek gave a small laugh and answered confidently.
— A lot of generals were replaced this time. In the process, most of the hardliners took off their uniforms. There may be some resistance, but not enough to worry about. Everyone knows that without abandoning nuclear development, there’s no way to resolve this situation.
Jang Songthaek already knew.
That if North Korea didn’t give up its nuclear program, the Bush administration wouldn’t even sit down for talks.
And that wouldn’t change even if the Democrats were in power.
Abandon nukes first—then talks. That was the basic stance of the United States.
— The problem is...... international politics always demands two when you give up one, doesn’t it? I’m worried that even after giving up nuclear weapons, they’ll demand something else.
“......That’s true. Do you have a countermeasure?”
— Not a concrete one. Still, didn’t you promise, President Kim Muhyuk? That if we abandon nuclear weapons and implement an open-door policy, things like regime security guarantees would be addressed.
“I didn’t say I’d grant them. I said those were the minimum conditions for negotiations.”
Even after I corrected him, Jang Songthaek pressed ahead with his own interpretation.
— Yes. But wouldn’t it be better for you as well if I remain in power in North Korea? We’ll now implement an open-door policy. Like China or Vietnam—maintaining the system, but opening confidently to the international community instead of remaining isolated, accepting investment......
“Let’s discuss the details in person. I can’t give you a definitive answer on this. For now, if you abandon nuclear weapons...... economic sanctions will be lifted. At the very least, China and Russia will lift theirs. As for the United States, we’ll have to wait and see.”
— Understood. I’ll place my trust in you, President Kim Muhyuk.
Trust me only when it suits you. The way he spoke, as if leaving the solution entirely to me, was almost amusing.
I gave a quiet chuckle and changed the subject.
“So how did you do it? From what’s been reported, Kim Jongil personally presided over the meeting. Did he cooperate without complaint?”
— Hahaha. Didn’t you hear from your mercenaries?
“I didn’t ask for details because I wanted to hear it from you directly.” freewebnoveℓ.com
Jang Songthaek stopped laughing and spoke.
— On the day of the plenary meeting in Pyongyang, I held all of his family hostage at the Yeohori villa. I told them to kill them all if they didn’t hear from me within a day. The mercenaries accepted my proposal, and I returned to Pyongyang first to complete all the groundwork. Once I had been granted full authority by Chairman Kim Jongil, no one could check me. If he had died, things wouldn’t have gone this smoothly.
As expected, keeping Kim Jongil alive had been the right answer. In a country where everything could be resolved by the word of a single man, things were convenient that way.
But unlike me—who would kill once someone had served their purpose—Jang Songthaek wanted to keep Kim Jongil alive to the very end.
There was a reason Yi Seonggye wiped out everyone with the Wang surname when he overthrew Goryeo and founded Joseon......
Jang Songthaek continued.
— After that, I moved to seize control of the Party first. Excluding neutral Central Committee members, I dismissed most of Chairman Kim Jongil’s people and newly appointed my own. I also placed my comrades in all key positions within the Politburo and Secretariat.
“And the military?”
— I’ve already secured all military forces around Pyongyang. The Guard Command, the State Security Department, the Guard Corps—every unit has been filled with my people. This is only the beginning.
Jang Songthaek went on at length about how he had seized power and how he intended to solidify it.
“A good method.”
As expected of someone who had long served as the second-in-command beside Kim Jongil.
He understood the nature of power all too well.
Rather than dictatorship through deification like Kim Ilsung and Kim Jongil, he was prioritizing economic development through openness.
“For that method to succeed, the economy has to recover. If it doesn’t, people with other ideas will eventually emerge.”
Economic-driven development required visible results.
And quickly. As if he’d been waiting for that, Jang Songthaek replied.
— Exactly. First, we need to restart the Kaesong Industrial Complex, which the North and South were jointly pursuing.
“The Kaesong Industrial Complex?”
— Yes. The site selection is already complete; all that remains is to begin construction. I want it completed quickly so South Korean companies can move in......
Jang Songthaek trailed off, as if gauging my reaction.
“That’s outside my authority. That’s something the South Korean government has to handle.”
— That will be negotiated during the special envoy visit. But in the end, without corporate participation, nothing can be done. And that’s something you can arrange quite easily, isn’t it?
“You’re not talking about small and medium enterprises, but major conglomerates?”
— Yes. For the Republic, one large conglomerate entering is better than ten SMEs.
Originally, the Kaesong Industrial Complex was led by the Daehyeon Group, but all the companies that moved in were SMEs.
Jang Songthaek wanted major conglomerates instead.
“Large conglomerates won’t easily build factories in North Korea. There are many reasons, but the primary one is that they can’t trust the North Korean regime. Without guarantees, they won’t enter lightly.”
— I know. But isn’t the Joongwoo Group, which you own, different?
I raised an eyebrow. He wanted Joongwoo Group to enter?
— We’ll entrust all infrastructure development to Joongwoo Construction. In return, please build Joongwoo Group’s factories in North Korea.
“Joongwoo Construction monopolizing infrastructure development is a given. That’s not ★ 𝐍𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭 ★ a negotiation. Offering something you should already be giving as a bargaining chip is meaningless.”
At my firm response, Jang Songthaek fell silent.
“Building in North Korea instead of China—that’s something I could consider. But not the Kaesong Industrial Complex.”
— Then do you want a new location? frёeweɓηovel.coɱ
“Nampo. Give me that.”
Jang Songthaek reacted a beat late.
— ......You mean Nampo City?
“Yes. Declare it a Special Economic Zone and grant me development rights. If you do that, I’ll bring in not only Joongwoo Group, but all of South Korea’s major conglomerates.”
