Free Web NovelPresident of The United States also convened the NSC. In the underground bunker beneath the White House, all the key figures of the Bush administration gathered.
Bush opened his mouth with a hardened expression. fɾeeweɓnѳveɭ.com
“Do we have any new information?”
The Secretary of Homeland Security shook his head, and the CIA Director followed suit.
Last, John Negroponte, the Director of National Intelligence from the newly established Office of the Director of National Intelligence, began his report.
The Office of the Director of National Intelligence was a presidential body, a kind of control tower created to resolve conflicts and discord among the many intelligence agencies operating within the United States.
“After consolidating intelligence from all agencies, including the CIA, it appears certain that a coup, or an emergency situation equivalent to a coup, has occurred in North Korea.”
A coup—or something tantamount to one. Silence fell over the underground bunker.
After a moment, Bush cleared his throat and spoke.
“What about Kim Jongil’s status?”
“It’s unclear whether Kim Jongil was even at the Yeohori villa. Even if he was, there’s no way to confirm whether he’s alive or dead.”
“So you’re telling me we’re supposed to just sit here and wait without knowing anything? What exactly are America’s intelligence agencies doing? You can’t even find the shadow of bin Laden, and you learn about North Korea’s internal situation later than Russia! Is this really the world’s top intelligence apparatus?”
Bush raised his voice, anger flaring.
“Just the fact that the South Korean government found out first and contacted us is enough that every CIA agent and military intelligence officer stationed in Korea could be disciplined without a single complaint.”
“But most of our HUMINT assets inside North Korea have disappeared, so—”
“I’m not asking to hear excuses!”
Bush slammed the table hard, his face flushed red.
“No matter how much we’ve concentrated our intelligence capabilities on Iraq and the Middle East, how could our information on North Korea be this lacking? What can we even do at this point? Does no one here have a mouth? Why isn’t anyone saying anything? Have you contacted Russia?”
The Secretary of State, watching the mood, spoke cautiously.
“Yes. However, we received a response saying they have nothing to share. They claimed they don’t know anything beyond what we already know.”
“What kind of—. Russia knew exactly that Jang Songthaek had moved. And now they say they know nothing? And you expect us to believe that kind of nonsense?”
“That is the official position of the Russian Foreign Ministry.”
Bush glared at the Secretary of State and spoke loudly.
“Contact the Russian President immediately! I’ll ask him myself.”
“Mr. President. There’s absolutely no reason to go that far. Owing the Russian President a favor is not a good approach.”
At the Secretary of State’s objection, Bush narrowed his eyes.
“Then are we supposed to just wait like this? Is the United States supposed to do nothing and just sit here twiddling its thumbs?!” frёewebnoѵel.ƈo๓
“······.”
At Bush’s outburst, everyone gathered in the bunker fell silent.
The one who broke the uncomfortable silence was Vice President Dick Cheney.
“Even after DEFCON 3 was activated, the North Korean military hasn’t shown any movement at all.”
Bush turned his head toward Dick Cheney.
“I believe something has definitely happened to Kim Jongil.”
“······And what’s the basis for that assessment?”
“If Kim Jongil were able to act normally, he would’ve put the entire military on alert the moment DEFCON 3 was declared. But right now, the North Korean military’s movements have completely stopped. Kim Jongil is the kind of man who goes into convulsions over even the slightest movement of U.S. Forces Korea. And yet, in a quasi–wartime state, there’s no reaction at all? That makes no sense. He’s either dead, or something has happened to him. Either way, he’s not in a normal condition.”
As Cheney calmly continued his explanation, Bush nodded. But then his eyes sharpened.
“That may be so. But what I want is solid intelligence. Not speculation—hard facts. Only that gives us justification to move.”
“What about moving U.S. Forces Korea?”
At Cheney’s suggestion, Bush furrowed his brow.
“It was the South Korean government that requested DEFCON 3. In response, the Combined Forces Command issued DEFCON 3, and at the same time, operational control of the South Korean military reverted to us. If we move, the South Korean military will have no choice but to move as well. This is an opportunity, Bush.”
Cheney began persuading him.
“No! Absolutely not. There must not be another war!”
At that moment, Secretary of State Colin Powell shouted loudly in opposition.
“If we move, China and Russia will move, and on top of that, Japan will move as well. We must not give them justification to mobilize their forces. Without knowing North Korea’s exact situation, if we move, they’ll have no choice but to respond. North Korea is not Iraq or Afghanistan. Russia and China will never abandon North Korea.”
At Powell’s words, most of those present—excluding the neoconservatives—nodded in agreement.
“And Afghanistan, Iraq, and now North Korea on top of that. We cannot fight wars on three fronts at once. Even now, casualties continue to mount, and the economy is staggering under the enormous cost of war.”
Modern warfare for the United States was a war fought with money.
The astronomical costs of war were snowballing with each passing day.
“There is no benefit, diplomatically or militarily. Mr. President, please do not commit the folly of moving U.S. Forces Korea. We must keep our promise.”
“······.”
Bush fell into deep thought.
Dick Cheney shook his head, looking at the opposing Powell.
“Powell, you’re far too afraid.”
“Mr. Vice President. I am a soldier who has fought wars firsthand. I am not someone like you, who calls for war with words. I am a commander who has actually carried out wars. I know the fear of the battlefield, and the terror of war. If anything, it’s you who are far too fearless.”
“What did you just say—!”
“Our soldiers are shedding blood and sweat in Iraq even now. Do you not think of them at all? A new war? Don’t be ridiculous. If you want to do it, do it yourselves.”
Powell had always voiced his opposition quietly.
But today was different. He was openly baring his fangs at Dick Cheney.
“A war without justification—one Iraq War was more than enough. We must stop the violence now.”
“Violence? Are you saying what we’re doing is violence?!”
“If it isn’t, then what is it? If invading another country with force isn’t violence, then what is? Were the biological and chemical weapons you and the neocons insisted on ever found? They weren’t, were they?”
At Powell’s sharp rebuke, Cheney’s lips twitched briefly.
Lowering his voice, he replied.
“······You supported the Iraq War too. Don’t act all clean now.”
“Yes. And that’s why I must correct it now. There must ✪ Nоvеlіgһt ✪ (Official version) never be a war with North Korea. That war would become a second Vietnam War. Countless young Americans would bleed, and the war would drag on for a long time. During that period, the cost of war would continue to cripple the American economy. It’s a war where the losses far outweigh the gains.”
“Powell! Are you trying to pick a fight with me?!”
Powell and Dick Cheney glared at each other. Sparks seemed to fly as their eyes met in midair.
“Enough! Enough!”
President Bush shouted, slamming the table once more.
“I have no intention of going to war either.”
“Bush!”
Dick Cheney called out to him, but Bush looked at Powell and spoke.
“Contact Charlie, Mr. Secretary of State. He likely has information we don’t. Russia may not tell us, but they would tell him.”
“······.”
Dick Cheney—and everyone else—stiffened. Reaching out to a mere businessman felt humiliating.
But Bush continued without caring.
“The moment the North Korean military moves, we’ll have no choice but to move as well. Until then, neither the United States nor U.S. Forces Korea can make a move. So we need definitive intelligence. Contact him. Now.”
Powell took out his phone, but Bush shook his head.
He turned on the speakerphone of the phone beside him and slid it toward Powell.
“Use this. So everyone here can hear.”
* * *
After finishing my call with Medvedev, I was talking with Yoon Changho while waiting for contact from Igor.
Then, once again, my phone rang.
I checked the number, but it was listed as restricted, so I couldn’t tell who was calling.
Thinking it might be Igor, I quickly answered.
“Hello.”
— Charlie. This is Powell.
It wasn’t Igor, but a call from the United States.
I did my best to hide my disappointment and replied.
“Yes, Mr. Secretary of State. It’s been a while.”
— Are you able to talk?
I looked at Yoon Changho. In a low voice, he asked,
“Secretary of State? Powell?”
I covered the receiver and nodded. Yoon Changho smiled.
“Let’s hear what he has to say.”
I switched to speakerphone and placed the phone on the table.
“Yes. I can talk, Mr. Secretary.”
— Charlie. Can you explain to us what exactly is going on right now?
“I already told Ambassador Thomas everything I know. Has that not been reported to you?”
— No. I’d like more precise information.
“······.”
Powell was convinced. That North Korea and I were connected.
At that moment, a familiar voice came through.
— Charlie, can’t you tell us?
At President Bush’s voice, Yoon Changho and I looked at each other.
“Mr. President, it’s been a while.”
— Let’s skip the pleasantries. We’re in an NSC session right now. Give us the information. That way, we won’t move the military.
“You’re talking about moving the military?”
— There’s an operational plan the Combined Forces Command has drawn up. A contingency plan to be executed if the situation in North Korea changes drastically. Do we really have to carry that out?
I quietly looked toward Yoon Changho. Reading what I was about to say, he nodded.
“Mr. President. This is President Yoon Changho.”
— President Yoon, you’re there as well?
“Yes. I also convened the NSC after hearing information from Chairman Kim Muhyuk. And I contacted the Combined Forces Command to request DEFCON 3.”
— That, I’m aware of.
There was strength in Yoon Changho’s calm, measured voice as he continued.
“But from what you’re saying, it sounds like you’re referring to Concept Plan 5029. Are you saying you intend to execute it? That’s an abstract scenario. As far as I know, there are no detailed military operations outlined.”
— The U.S. military has already built a concrete framework for Concept Plan 5029.
“And you intend to do that without consulting our government? Are you ignoring us right now?”
— President Yoon. This is not the time for diplomatic sparring.
At Bush’s firm voice, Yoon Changho stepped back slightly.
“······There must never be a war. Even with an overwhelming victory, the damage would be beyond measure. Korea would inevitably collapse. As President of Korea, I cannot accept a war.”
— We know that. That’s why we need solid information.
Bush spoke in a desperate voice. That should be enough.
I lightly patted Yoon Changho’s shoulder, and he nodded.
“Chairman Kim Muhyuk will explain.”
— Thank you, President Yoon.
Yoon Changho silently exhaled and leaned back against his chair.
Watching him rub his temples as if his head hurt, I opened my mouth.
“What happened in North Korea is a coup.”
— You’re certain it’s a coup?
“Yes. Jang Songthaek has moved. From what I know, he’s together at the Yeohori villa.”
— Being together and eliminating Kim Jongil... That’s truly a gamble with one’s life.
Kim Jongil was a deeply suspicious man. Without doing it this way, he would never have followed.
Just as he said, it was a gamble with one’s life.
“Neither we nor Russia know the outcome yet. But by now, someone has likely seized the upper hand. If Kim Jongil wins, that would be the worst-case scenario.”
— The worst case...
“Jang Songthaek is Kim Jongil’s closest confidant—and family. And yet he moved to unseat Kim Jongil. If there are forces cooperating with him, then this would be on a scale incomparable to any coup attempt that’s occurred so far. There will undoubtedly be a bloodbath in North Korea. And in the aftermath, they may attempt some kind of provocation.”
After a brief silence, Bush asked in a low voice.
— Is that information from Russia?
“Yes. Russia still has quite a few informants inside Pyongyang.”
— If Jang Songthaek moved, doesn’t that mean China moved as well? Then we also need to prepare—
I cut Bush off.
“No. China has absolutely nothing to do with this. That much is certain.”
