We moved to the banquet hall where the party was being held.
Not only figures from the business world but many from the political sphere were gathered in small groups, chatting.
Anyone could see that the star of this party was Han Gyeongyeong.
Holding a drink, I looked at Han Gyeongyeong speaking with people and smiled in satisfaction.
“President Kim Muhyuk?”
I turned when someone called my name. The face looked familiar enough.
But I couldn’t recall who he was right away.
“Yes, that’s me. And you are?”
“I am Igor Sechin, Deputy Chief of Staff in the President’s Executive Office.”
“Ah! Deputy Chief Sechin.”
Only then did I remember who he was. One of the core members of the siloviki.
Now that I thought about it—didn’t this man later become CEO of Rosneft?
Rosneft would eventually acquire all of Yukos’ assets and, after Gazprom, become the second-largest state-owned enterprise.
And the master of the Kremlin would appoint this man as CEO of such a Rosneft.
That meant this was a man who enjoyed the President’s deep trust.
For now, he was only Deputy Chief under Medvedev in the Executive Office...
But clearly, he was the one tasked with watching Medvedev on the President’s orders.
“A pleasure to meet you. I’m Kim Muhyuk.”
“I’ve heard a great deal about you. The President praises you constantly.”
“Ha-ha, is that so?”
There was a subtle barb in his words, yet I responded with a victor’s smile.
Because of me, the plan the siloviki wanted—to auction Yukos’ assets publicly and swallow them into a state corporation—had collapsed.
Of course they wouldn’t like me. Or perhaps there were other reasons.
Seeing the President follow my suggestions too readily must have been displeasing for them.
The siloviki were a faction whose goal was the President’s long-term rule.
Among the Kremlin’s two major inner circles, the oligarchs valued money; the siloviki were the group dreaming of long-term power.
Of course, siloviki didn’t hate money, but long-term rule was their priority.
So perhaps they had tried to interfere this time.
And didn’t they say the master of the Kremlin scolded them heavily because of it?
“You do know that many people are jealous of you, don’t you?”
“Well. I’ve never once done anything detrimental to Russia. What reason would they have to envy me?”
“Being too close to him. That alone may get you shot someday, anywhere in Russia. That worries me.”
For someone claiming to be concerned, his tone was ice-cold.
Threatening to kill someone while smiling—ridiculous enough that a dry laugh escaped me.
“Deputy Chief Sechin. Are you threatening me right now?”
“Threatening? Not at all. I am speaking out of genuine concern. No matter how deep his trust in you may be, no one knows what could happen.”
“Do you know this, by any chance?”
“What are you referring to?”
“How the man who went around bragging he would kill me ended up dying.”
I spoke obliquely about the incident where I killed the Russian mafia boss.
Only then did Sechin’s smile fade. I leaned in and whispered near his ear.
“Try it anytime, if you’re confident. I never let things go with just words when someone provokes me. Do you understand?”
“...President Kim Muhyuk.”
“I don’t care about siloviki or oligarchs. If you want to seize power or whatever, do as you like. Just don’t interfere with what I’m doing.”
“And if I do interfere?”
I shrugged casually.
“Then you will meet me as an enemy.”
“You’re awfully bold, hiding behind the President. How long do you think his trust will remain with you?”
“Well, I imagine he trusts me more than he trusts you. You’re merely a subordinate. I’m a friend. If something happens, I think we both know who he’ll choose.”
Sechin clenched his teeth, suppressing his anger. Only then did I take a step back.
“Don’t provoke me half-heartedly. Only provoke me when you’re certain you can take me down. I’ve already signed the acquisition contract. The money will be deposited tomorrow. Yukansk is mine now. So stop clinging to it and go play your petty power games.”
I lifted the corner of my lips, openly mocking him.
“You there! President Kim Muhyuk!!”
He finally lost control and raised his voice.
“Hey, Deputy Chief.”
At that moment, Medvedev appeared with perfect timing.
“What do you think you’re doing? On a day like this, why are you raising your voice? And to President Kim Muhyuk, of all people. Are you crazy?”
“Chief of Staff...”
“Leave. At once. I do not want to see you right now.”
It seemed even Sechin could not defy Medvedev’s words.
He only threw me a final glare before turning around and walking away.
Once he was gone, Medvedev offered me a drink.
“Are you all right, President Kim Muhyuk?”
I accepted the glass he handed me, smiling.
“It’s nothing. He just came to issue a warning because their plans fell apart. But with a little provocation, he couldn’t hold himself back. He’s one of the siloviki, correct?”
“Yes. A major figure.”
“It seems the siloviki dislike me quite a bit.”
Medvedev quickly shook his head.
“Not all siloviki share the same intentions. They’re divided into different factions. But yes—there are more who dislike you than like you. Since the President tends to accept most of your advice and act upon it. Those who think that position belongs to them don’t enjoy seeing it.”
I had no choice but to nod.
Most of the siloviki were from Leningrad or former KGB, now holding top power positions in administration or parliament.
In the original history, they would have held power together with the Russian tsar.
But because of my interference, the power balance between oligarchs and siloviki remained, preventing them from monopolizing authority.
So they had no choice but to see me as a thorn in their eye. Without me, they could move the President however they wished—or so they believed.
“Well, nothing to be done. I’ll endure it.”
“No matter what they try, they won’t pose real danger to you. But many of them are from intelligence circles—we cannot predict what they might attempt. Please stay cautious while you’re in Russia.”
Concern tinged Medvedev’s tone. I smiled and countered:
“I’ll be careful. But aren’t you also one of the siloviki, Chief Medvedev?”
“Of course not. I am Medvedev. I have nothing to do with groups like siloviki or oligarchs.”
“Is that so? And yet you’re from Leningrad—St. Petersburg—and you’ve had a long relationship with the President.” ƒrēewebnoѵёl.cσm
“I consider the President a friend. I’m not at his side to maintain my own power.”
I admired him silently. Even after standing at the center of power, he had not changed.
Perhaps because of this mindset, when the President could no longer hold the office, he briefly allowed this man to assume the presidency?
A man who belonged to no inner circle.
A man the President knew could ⊛ Nоvеlιght ⊛ (Read the full story) not maintain power without holding his hand.
“I see. The President must think the same.”
“Perhaps. I can’t claim to know all his thoughts, but likely so.”
He remained the President’s second-in-command for over twenty years. That kind of relationship only came in two forms:
Either true trust, or evenly matched power.
But Medvedev clearly was not the latter. Decades had passed, yet he never built his own faction.
While I was talking and drinking with Medvedev, many people came to say hello and chatted briefly.
Not just oligarchs—some siloviki too.
I spoke with them pleasantly. None reacted sharply like Sechin.
Most simply flattered me openly to look good. Their intentions were so transparent it was almost funny.
Thus the night of the party deepened.
The next day, Igor arrived.
“Welcome.”
“Boss. It has been a while.”
Igor bowed stiffly.
Seeing Igor, now completely accustomed to Korean-style greetings, I smiled warmly.
“Come sit over here.”
He sat down with perfect posture.
I handed him a warm cup of black tea.
“Drink. Thank you for coming all this way.”
“Thank you, Boss.”
Watching him drink, I asked:
“How is Afghanistan?”
“It has stabilized to some extent. There are occasional guerrilla attacks, but since the Northern Army—now a regular army—is specialized in guerrilla warfare, it’s manageable. Our Black Bear troops are winning most engagements as well.”
“But I heard many were injured.”
“Fortunately, no fatalities yet.”
“I heard that too. That’s because your command has been excellent.”
There had been serious injuries, but after I left Afghanistan, not a single death occurred.
In a region where suicide bombings were common, achieving that was Igor’s accomplishment.
“We can withdraw from Afghanistan now, right?”
“Yes. I handed everything over to my successor. I received orders that I must go to Iraq next.”
I nodded. Though the contract hadn’t been finalized yet, once Korea signed with us, we would have to send mercenaries to Iraq.
And Igor was designated to command them.
But before that, he would have to enter North Korea for an operation.
“Before that, there is something more important. This operation will be extremely dangerous.”
Igor set down his teacup, his expression hard.
“What is it, Boss?”
“You must infiltrate North Korea and capture Kim Jongil alive. The objective is to secure Kim Jongil. If that fails—kill him.”
“...”
“Can you do it? There’s no one I trust more for this than you.”
Igor’s tightly pressed lips moved slightly before he nodded.
“If it is your order, I will go anywhere. But I know nothing about North Korea. I’m not sure if I can execute the mission.”
“We have an inside collaborator. He will give you all intel on Kim Jongil’s location and security forces.”
“Ah. Then it seems doable.”
I explained the rough situation.
After a long explanation, Igor nodded.
“It’s workable. But the mission plan must be built from scratch. We’ll need escape routes secured as well.”
Hearing the confidence in his voice reassured me. He was not the type to speak confidently without basis.
“In addition, Russian special forces will also be deployed.”
“Won’t that disrupt the chain of command?”
“The Kremlin insists on it. So we have no choice. And their help will greatly aid the retreat after the operation. The mission is important, but your safety and the mercenaries’ safety matter too.”
Igor considered this for a moment, then nodded.
“...I appreciate it, but I’m not sure those prideful men will accept my command.”
“The Kremlin ordered them to follow my command, but they said to sort out the hierarchy yourselves. Igor—can you assert dominance?”
At my question, Igor lifted one corner of his mouth into a grin.
“That is my specialty. Handle the political side, and I will turn them into well-trained dogs who listen when spoken to.”