Free Web NovelAmerica—no, to be precise, President Bush—could not start a new war right before next year’s presidential election.
The war had already been dragging on for over a year, and anti-war sentiment had begun to rise within the U.S.
Of course, that anti-war sentiment was still far weaker than it had been in the original timeline.
The reason was simple. I had deployed half of Black Bear’s total forces into Afghanistan to begin stabilization operations.
As Black Bear slowly stabilized Afghanistan—a country that was basically a bottomless swamp—the burden on the U.S. military was clearly reduced.
Still, there were suicide bombings and attacks on U.S. troops, and casualties continued to occur. The same was true for Iraq.
Even though Hussein and most of the core members of his regime had been captured and imprisoned in the U.S., and even though the U.S. had declared the war over, sporadic fighting continued.
To the point the U.S. was strongly requesting South Korea to deploy combat troops as well.
‘And now they’re going to start a war against North Korea?’
Ridiculous. It was impossible.
It wasn’t that they lacked the capability. The U.S. military had more than enough power.
But North Korea was a completely different kind of country compared to Afghanistan or Iraq in the Middle East.
Since the Cold War, it had served as a buffer zone between the free world and the communist world in East Asia.
Of course, that wasn’t our choice. We were forced into that role by great powers.
So if the United States invaded North Korea now that the Cold War was over, China and Russia would enter the conflict without hesitation, no matter the reason.
“The fact that you called me here, Mr. President, means you’re trying to conduct negotiations with North Korea through me, behind the scenes. On the surface, you’ll impose sanctions through a UN resolution.”
Bush, who had been silently watching me, nodded.
“Exactly. I do not want any official record stating that we negotiated with North Korea. We went to war in Iraq and Afghanistan under the banner of the War on Terror. Even now, we insist that we do not negotiate with Bin Laden or any terrorist organization. But if we negotiate with North Korea, it will be disastrous for America—and for me.”
Bush’s voice rose sharply.
“There is a reelection campaign next year. And now these lunatics are conducting nuclear tests and firing ballistic missiles! If I could, I’d drop a nuke on Pyongyang right this second...”
Barely suppressing his anger, Bush trailed off.
Right after Al Qaeda’s attacks on America, Kim Jongil issued a statement supporting the War on Terror, and the U.S. reacted quite favorably at first.
But then the U.S. branded North Korea as part of the Axis of Evil and imposed even stronger sanctions.
Bush blaming North Korea alone without reflecting on America’s actions was absurd.
“Kim Jongil probably had no other choice.”
“Still, a nuclear weapon is unacceptable.”
“Then you should have kept your promises. The U.S. agreed to support a light-water reactor, then let the project fall apart, and you never lifted the economic sanctions. How can you blame Kim Jongil alone now?”
“Charlie, whose side are you on?”
Bush looked displeased. I stared straight at him and answered.
“Whose side... I think you know very well what I’ve done for the United States until now. I helped you even when it cost me money. I even handed over intelligence about the terror attack on the UN branch in Iraq.”
“Ahem...”
Bush cleared his throat, unable to respond.
Politicians really were all the same. They remembered nothing they received, and if something went against their interests, they immediately acted threatening.
“So what do you propose we do?”
“You must make the UN resolution far stronger than originally planned.”
“...Do you even know what we intend to put in that resolution?”
In my previous life, the U.S. imposed sanctions after North Korea’s nuclear test. Naturally, I already knew.
I smirked and answered casually.
“At most: banning the trade of WMDs and ballistic missiles, freezing related financial assets, banning luxury exports to North Korea, and cargo inspections on ships going to and from North Korea.”
“Charlie... do you have an informant inside the White House?”
Bush asked with a shocked expression.
“No. None.”
“Well, we finalized that resolution right before you arrived. The only people who knew were the ones I had leave the room. So how did you know?”
No matter how strong America was, it couldn’t ignore the positions of the major powers surrounding North Korea.
“I assumed that was the maximum China and Russia would agree to.”
“Correct. Uncannily so.”
“But those sanctions won’t be enough. You need restrictions strong enough to collapse their economy.”
Bush objected with a worried look.
“China and Russia will never agree to that. They do not want North Korea to collapse.”
“I’ll handle that. Through unofficial negotiations.”
Bush tapped the table with his index finger, thinking. After a moment, he shook his head.
“No. If you do that, that lunatic Kim Jongil might escalate military provocations.”
Of course, I had considered that possibility.
But North Korea had to be completely isolated for more high-ranking officials to support Jang Songthaek’s coup.
“We cannot resolve this crisis without taking that gamble.”
“That’s why I called you here. I want you to go into North Korea and negotiate. Find out what Kim Jongil wants.”
“America’s stance is CVID, correct?” freewēbnoveℓ.com
Bush nodded as if it were obvious.
“Yes. Complete, Verifiable, Irreversible Dismantlement. Negotiations only after full denuclearization.”
“He’s already conducted a nuclear test. Do you think that’s realistic?”
The U.S.’s fundamental policy was CVID, sometimes PVID. Different name, same meaning: total elimination of the nuclear arsenal.
“Kim Jongil wants only one thing: regime security. He wants the U.S. to guarantee it officially.”
“...We are the United States of America, defenders of freedom. You want us to guarantee a dictatorship? Impossible.”
“That’s why Kim Jongil is acting like this.”
Neither side would budge. The U.S. wanted denuclearization; North Korea wanted dictatorship guarantees.
Sure, America said they’d talk if North Korea abandoned its nukes—but who would give up their only weapon just to “talk”?
“That’s why we want you to negotiate, Charlie. You’re the only one suited for this. You already delivered Kim Jongil’s personal letter to me.”
“Mr. President, I no longer trust Kim Jongil. I won’t do anything with him. I’m a businessman and investor. I refuse to work with someone once that trust is broken.”
Bush looked baffled at my cold answer.
“Charlie, this isn’t about your personal—”
“Who else but a businessman prioritizes profit? What matters to me is whether this helps my business or not.”
Bush fell silent, staring at me blankly.
As president, he had probably never heard anyone say something like this to his face.
“The reason I help the United States is simple. It’s how I protect my wealth. So don’t assume I’ll do whatever you tell me to.”
I made no effort to hide my irritation. Bush also looked displeased.
An awkward silence stretched, and then, being the one facing an election next year, Bush spoke first.
“So what are you thinking? What do you want? North Korea’s collapse? You know as well as I do that economic sanctions alone won’t bring down North Korea.”
He wasn’t wrong. Sanctions alone wouldn’t collapse the regime.
“Of course it won’t. But like any dictatorship, internal power struggles can erupt.”
“You think a coup could happen? In North Korea?”
“I’m not 100% sure. But this is the best timing. After the bloody purge, the economy is collapsing. If additional sanctions hit, more elites will defect. Kim Jongil’s base of power will shrink.”
Bush fell silent, turning the idea of a coup over in his mind.
After some time, he opened his mouth again.
“Charlie... you believe Jang Songthaek could lead a coup?”
“Maybe him, maybe someone else. Anyone would be easier to negotiate with than Kim Jongil. Once the Kim family’s hereditary dictatorship ends—no more nonsense about ‘Baekdu Bloodline’ and running the country like a kingdom—negotiations will become far simpler.”
“Simpler?”
“If we condition complete nuclear dismantlement, then we won’t need regime guarantees or anything else. Just lift all sanctions and allow investment. After that, it becomes a matter for corporations.”
Bush finally understood the true meaning behind my words and smiled.
“So that was your goal from the start. Investment in North Korea. That’s why you’re so passionate about this.”
“Yes. I want to invest in North Korea. Maintaining a relationship with Kim Jongil was originally for that reason.”
Bush nodded, seeming convinced.
For now, investment in North Korea was impossible—but its potential was limitless. Any businessman would want a piece of that. Bush clearly thought the same.
“Oh, one more thing. It’s not directly related to this issue... but I brought you a gift.”
“A gift?”
Bush looked surprised. Strictly speaking, it wasn’t a gift—it was my trump card.
“Yes. Dreamhigh is about to acquire Yugansk, a core subsidiary of Yukos. Oil prices will stabilize somewhat.”
“Is that true?”
Bush’s face brightened with relief. Oil prices had been tormenting him; even the idea of stabilization delighted him.
“Yes. We’re about to sign the acquisition. The Kremlin has already approved it, so it won’t fall through.”
“That’s wonderful news. Oil price stabilization... Well, we’ll discuss that later. It’s not the priority right now.”
Since I felt the momentum shift back to me, I simply nodded.
“Very well. My business in North Korea is related to this acquisition.”
“A business related to Yukos... Don’t tell me.”
“Yes. I plan to build an oil and gas pipeline running from Russia through North Korea into South Korea. It will be a large-scale project.”
Bush frowned, clearly unhappy.
“That would hand South Korea’s energy sovereignty over to Russia just for short-term profit. Look at what happened when Russia shut off pipelines to Europe recently—ah, that was also your doing.”
“I have no idea what you’re talking about.”
I answered shamelessly, and Bush clicked his tongue.
“I’ll let that slide. So that’s why you’re pushing so hard on the North Korea issue. Not just for investment, but because the project is already fully planned.”
“Yes. And as I said: I no longer trust Kim Jongil. As long as he’s in power, I will not invest in North Korea again.”
Bush’s expression darkened. He had read something in ✧ NоvеIight ✧ (Original source) my words.
“Charlie... you really believe a coup will happen.”
“The collapse of many dictators was caused by economic failure. When survival becomes difficult, the closest aides are the first to turn their backs. I intend to exploit their greed.”
That should make things clear enough. I hadn’t revealed everything, but I had given him a lot.
“Through Jang Songthaek? Or have you chosen someone else?”
“I don’t know yet.”
“Charlie, you’re a frightening man. To speak casually about overturning an entire state.”
“Hasn’t the U.S. been doing that all this time?”
“What? Hah! That’s true. But I didn’t expect you to say it so openly.”
Bush laughed loudly, trying to hide his embarrassment.
Ridiculous. I simply laughed along.
“So you want me to impose sanctions strong enough to completely collapse North Korea.”
“Correct.”
“And what benefit would that bring me—no, the United States?”
“Weren’t you the one in a hurry? We can just pretend this conversation never happened if you prefer...”
“Hah. You’re unbelievable.”
Bush waved his hands anxiously. This was the exact reason I had requested a private meeting.
With reelection looming, Bush was desperate.
“Dreamhigh will remain your strongest supporter in this election as well.”
“...I see. Very well. I’ll call in my staff and reopen discussions. Anything else to say?”
I paused for a moment at his question. Bush watched me quietly, curious.
There was one thing I needed to confirm first—whether he was connected to them.
Watching his expression closely, I asked:
“Mr. President, have you ever heard of a group called Valletze?”
