Free Web NovelThere was no real need to use democracy as a pretext.
All they had to do was remove Kim Jongil, force him into a symbolic, powerless role, and then restructure the political system into a collective leadership centered around Jang Songthaek.
“Remove Kim Jongil?”
“Yes. Every time we try to conduct business with North Korea, Kim Jongil always becomes the variable. I have met him several times, discussed matters with him, even attempted to persuade him amicably. But he is the kind of man who can change his words at any moment depending on his mood. You cannot carry out anything meaningful with someone like that.”
“But you know that in North Korea, Kim Ilsung and Kim Jongil’s family is called the Baekdu bloodline. To the North Korean people, they are practically a religion. Do you think we have never considered that? It would create more harm than good.”
So China had clearly contemplated several options as well. I nodded as I watched Wen Jiabao’s face sink into shadow.
“You are right. The chances of failure are higher. There is much to lose. But Jang Songthaek would accept it. You know better than I do what his dream is, don’t you, Vice Premier?”
“······Yes. He does desire a system shaped like our collective leadership. But our country and North Korea are not the same.”
I snorted inwardly. Not the same, my ass.
The Soviet Union turned Lenin into a godlike figure, and China turned Mao Zedong into a divine symbol as well.
All of them used their leaders as tools to maintain their political systems.
Even now, Lenin’s body and Mao Zedong’s body are not buried beneath the ground. They are permanently preserved and displayed to the public.
Such is the end, the fate of leaders in communist states.
Even in death, they are denied rest and are used to strengthen the power of their successors.
Kim Ilsung’s body, too, is permanently preserved and worshipped inside the structure they call the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun.
“What if—hypothetically—Mao Zedong had passed down his power to his own bloodline the way Kim Ilsung did?”
“That is impossible. The Chairman would never have done that.”
Wen Jiabao answered firmly. His voice rose slightly at the mention of Mao Zedong.
I shook my head.
“That is why I said ‘hypothetically.’ If Mao Zedong had announced he would pass his power to his bloodline, do you think the Chinese people would have opposed him?”
“······.”
Wen Jiabao could not answer easily.
Because he knew full well that the people would not have opposed him.
“They would have accepted it. That is how revered Mao Zedong is among the people.”
“······Are you saying our country is the same as North Korea?”
Wen Jiabao finally showed visible discomfort.
No matter how rational this man was, a Chinese person was still a Chinese person.
He was a textbook example of someone who believed China was a great power and that the Zhonghua Minzu was the center of the world.
“No. They are different. Very different. But it is also true that they share similarities. For example—Mao Zedong asked to be cremated when he died, but his successors permanently preserved his body and used it to strengthen their power, didn’t they? North Korea saw that and preserved Kim Ilsung’s body as well.”
“That is······.”
Wen Jiabao trailed off.
“I am not criticizing. Communist states often do that. Politics is theater, after all. But Vice Premier—you know better than anyone how harmful it was when all power concentrated in Mao Zedong’s hands.”
“······After Chairman Mao, we no longer concentrate power in one man.”
That changes over time, but for now, yes, three factions were dividing the power pie among themselves.
“I know. Which is why I am saying: let us do the same for North Korea. Even if it remains a communist state, let us put someone at the top who can communicate with us—someone like Jang Songthaek—and open the economy like China did. You take political leadership. I gain economic benefit.”
“······Do you think that is possible? The United States and Russia will not sit still.”
“This does not violate Russia’s interests. The United States and Japan will oppose it, yes—but that can be managed.”
If everything went as I envisioned, the gains would be substantial.
A continental railway stretching from South Korea through North Korea into China and Russia.
If that line connected, all logistics could travel to Europe by rail.
This was something that had to be completed before China grew too powerful.
Once China reached a point where it threatened the United States, containment would be inevitable.
No matter how I looked at it, now was the perfect window.
South Korea had a new president. China also had a new chairman.
The United States was pouring all its national power into the Middle East, and Russia had no reason to oppose—it would only welcome it.
“Think about it. A train departing from South Korea passes through North Korea, then Russia and China, and eventually reaches Europe. This would benefit China as well. But as long as Kim Jongil sits in Pyongyang, no one will ever dare attempt such a project. Even I would not.”
“······You are talking about the Eurasian continental railway?”
When I nodded, Wen Jiabao’s expression grew complicated.
“You really believe it is possible? This project dragged on for decades. It has been discussed endlessly, but always collapsed due to each nation’s interests.”
A railway connecting Asia and Europe was a massive profit engine.
But until now, only tiny fragments of international rail links had been created.
On paper, they complained about differences in track gauge or whatever, but the real obstacles were money and the great powers’ politics.
“Europe is already connected by a single rail network. All that remains is connecting it through Russia and China. Cutting transport time by more than ten days—why would anyone refuse?”
Since I could not topple the North Korean regime alone, I decided to open this information to Wen Jiabao despite the risk.
He fell quiet, clearly deep in thought. I decided ◈ Nоvеlіgһт ◈ (Continue reading) to give him time.
After thinking, Wen Jiabao finally spoke.
“······I will return home and discuss it with Hu Jintao.”
“I wish you wouldn’t.”
I did not trust Hu Jintao at all.
A man steeped in self-preservation—who knew what he might do? There was no need to take unnecessary risks.
“But without Hu Jintao’s approval, I cannot do anything on my own.”
“We can discuss that after Jang Songthaek has secured control of North Korea. Security is important—for now.”
“······You do not trust Hu Jintao?”
Meeting his eyes, I answered firmly.
“No. I trust you, Vice Premier. Not Hu Jintao. If I had not established ties with you first, perhaps I would have joined hands with Jiang Zemin instead.”
Wen Jiabao’s expression hardened at my words. Then, as if reaching a decision, he nodded.
“Very well. I will mention this to no one for now.”
“Good. And please continue pressuring them to send Jang Songthaek. Given North Korea’s economic situation, if they fall out with China, the entire nation starves. If you pressure them strongly, they cannot refuse.”
“I will do that.”
“Then when the three of us eventually meet, we can decide what to do. Sometimes good ideas emerge when more heads gather.”
Of course, I already had the entire plan prepared—but now was not the time to say so.
I checked my wristwatch.
“I should get moving now. I would rather not be late to the banquet.”
Wen Jiabao checked the time as well and nodded.
“It is already this late. I did not even notice time passing. Let us go, Mr. Kim.”
We talked about many things on the way, from the hotel to the Blue House.
When Wen Jiabao and I arrived, many people were already gathering inside the Blue House State Guest Hall.
We headed straight to the banquet hall on the second floor.
It was extravagantly decorated with laurels and hibiscus.
I turned to Wen Jiabao.
“Then I will see you later, Vice Premier.”
“Yes. See you next month in Beijing.”
I parted ways with Wen Jiabao and looked for Medvedev.
He was not hard to find. I soon spotted him seated at a round table with several people and walked toward him.
But before I could reach him, Secretary of State Powell caught my arm.
“Charlie.”
“Secretary of State.”
I stopped walking and approached the round table where Powell sat.
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“Are you going to Medvedev?”
“Haha, yes. Out of everyone here, he is the one I am closest to.”
Powell knew this well.
I was the one who negotiated Russia’s abstention on the UN Security Council resolution regarding the Iraq War.
Powell nodded.
“I envy Medvedev. Mr. Kim, could you spare me a moment before the banquet begins?”
I checked my watch. There was still some time before the official start.
“Of course. Let’s do that.”
Once I sat beside Powell, he glanced around, then went straight to the point.
“The murder of Vice President Patrick is being monitored closely in Washington.”
Of course. I had expected that. After all, even Valletze’s hound had already come looking for me.
“Understandable. Patrick died in Korea, and the suspect is essentially the head of a major Korean conglomerate.”
“There are some who are raising suspicions about you as well. Though those who know you firmly believe that is impossible.”
I smiled at Powell’s words.
“What do you think, Secretary?”
“I feel the same. If you had killed him, you would never have handled it so sloppily.”
I let out a small laugh. The way he said he trusted me while casually assuming I was capable of killing someone—it was amusing in a way.
“Exactly. Not long ago, someone claiming to be the CIA Korea branch chief came to pressure me. Are you aware of that?”
“That happened?”
Powell looked genuinely surprised. The U.S. Secretary of State—the second most powerful man in America—did not know.
Someone was blocking information somewhere.
“As you know, I am friendly toward the United States. Even if my nationality is Korean. If things like this continue, I will be forced to reconsider my stance.”
“······I apologize. I will apologize on their behalf. The CIA as an organization tends to behave that way.”
Powell apologized first. He clearly wanted to avoid digging deeper.
But I had no intention of letting it pass lightly.
“I accept your apology. But I would like the CIA Korea branch chief replaced. If they pressure me like this, it becomes uncomfortable.”
“Very well. I will return to Washington and discuss it with President Bush.”
Having struck with the stick, it was time to offer the carrot.
“Thank you for your concern. I do not know if you have heard, but Dreamhigh has taken over management control of Ilseong Electronics. Once it stabilizes, we plan to build a plant in the United States. Depending on how the U.S. responds, we may even relocate the headquarters to America.”
“Is that true?”
Nothing was set in stone yet. But raising expectations was sometimes necessary, so I did not give a firm yes.
“It is an idea being discussed. In any case, we are planning to separate the mobile device and home appliance divisions from semiconductors, and relocate the newly formed semiconductor division to the United States.”
“Oh? Semiconductors?”
“The business overlaps too much with Joongwoo Electronics, which I own. We must avoid monopoly concerns.”
The semiconductor business was not the present—it was the future.
A factory capable of creating many jobs was practically a national industry.
At the mention of monopoly, Powell nodded slightly.
“Yes, we must be cautious. There is increasing support for regulation. The aftermath of this semiconductor price war swept through the U.S. economy.”
America supported free markets—but struck hard with regulation when its own interests were harmed.
“If you are seriously considering it, we can offer tax benefits and other incentives.”
“I would appreciate that.”
“By the way, is it true that Seo Jaehun killed Patrick? No matter how bad things were, to kill someone with his own hands... and a U.S. citizen at that. I truly cannot understand it.”
“The trial will begin soon. It is not too late to judge after seeing the verdict. But speaking as someone who was there—it is certain he is the killer.”
At my firm words, Powell’s expression hardened. He rubbed his chin, composed his emotions, then spoke again.
“This matter will be raised in today’s meeting with the President.”
“The President will promise strong punishment.”
“He must. Otherwise we might take him ourselves for investigation.”
It was a violation of national sovereignty, but if the United States wanted to do it, they could.
I did not like what he said, but all I could do was nod.
