Joseph Blatter.
He was the man who had served as FIFA’s Secretary-General and achieved dazzling growth for over a decade.
Competent but cunning, a man no different from a money-obsessed politician — that was the world’s evaluation of him.
Of course, FIFA could never be called a gathering of people who simply loved football, but Blatter had gone far beyond that.
He eventually rose to the position of FIFA President, yet, thanks to the bankruptcy of his cash source ISL, he had nearly lost his re-election in the vote held recently in Seoul.
But what mattered more to this man was his next benefactor — someone who would keep his money flowing.
With ISL gone, the funds he could move must have been cut off.
He seemed desperate to find a new source to fill that gap — and that must be how he learned about me.
It looked like he planned to use me as his easy mark, to turn me into his personal wallet. But I wasn’t someone who could be taken that easily.
Whether he knew what I was thinking or not, Blatter kept talking to himself.
“...So, what I’m saying is, how about FIFA and Dreamhigh Investment joining hands?”
“Joining hands? What exactly can an investment firm and FIFA possibly do together?”
“There’s a lot we can do. The key point is joining hands.”
I looked at Blatter with a face of mild curiosity.
“For example?”
“Dreamhigh would provide investment funds and establish a sports marketing company. Then, that company would exclusively handle all of FIFA’s marketing.”
“Like ISL did?”
Blatter, reading my expression, nodded enthusiastically with exaggerated gestures.
In his movements and eyes, I could clearly see the greed — the desperate urge to draw me in no matter what.
“Yes. ISL handled marketing not only for FIFA but also for the IOC...”
Blatter began to pile up florid words, listing all the advantages of joining forces with him.
At first glance, it sounded like a deal that could bring enormous profit. But in truth, it was nothing more than hollow talk — an empty shell that only glittered on the surface.
After listening to everything he said, I spoke.
“I understand it all. I see that it can make money. But then, why did a company like that go bankrupt? I just can’t figure it out.”
Blatter’s ever-present smile faltered for a moment.
I decided to shake him harder.
“There’s no such thing as goodwill without a reason. In the end, what you’re saying is: ‘I’ll give you a share, so give me money.’ Isn’t that it? Tell me, do I have any reason to help you?”
“...”
I smirked.
“Ah, or maybe, you’ll just throw me away later like you did ISL once I become a problem?”
“W–what are you saying!”
“Am I wrong? The moment ISL filed for bankruptcy protection, FIFA immediately sued them for damages worth thirty million dollars, claiming losses caused by ISL. If that’s not betrayal, what is?”
Blatter, speechless, just glared at me with a red face.
It would be a shame to stop here. Ending it now would be no different from showing mercy to the one who had provoked me first.
“Do not deny it. If I want to, it won’t even take me a day to dig up every one of your corruption cases. And do you really think I’d just read that file for fun once I have it?”
“...”
“You must be desperate. Desperate enough to hold out your hand to an Asian like me. I hope I don’t smell like dog meat to you — I did my best to hide that.”
Blatter’s face turned deathly pale at my open mockery.
Last year, he had harshly condemned Koreans for eating dog meat. His statement had gone too far — I remembered it well.
But Blatter wasn’t an animal lover; that remark came purely from contempt and prejudice against Asians.
And of course, it had been politically flavored — a jab meant to tarnish Song Chanwoo’s image.
Even though some regions in his own country, Switzerland, also had dog-eating traditions, he had dared to point fingers at others.
“Don’t try to threaten or sway me clumsily. If you truly need help, then bow. Lower your head and hold out your hand to ask for money. Then maybe, just maybe, I’ll consider it.”
“...Don’t you think you’re being a little too harsh?”
“Seems you’re not desperate enough yet. Once you sort your thoughts out, contact me again. Who knows — maybe I’ll still have time to meet you.”
I checked the time and stood up. It had taken longer than I’d expected.
“I’ll be leaving now. My next appointment’s about to start.” free𝑤ebnovel.com
As I turned away, Blatter lowered his voice in warning.
“Are you saying I should take that as you not caring if your club suffers the consequences?”
Without even looking back, I answered while walking away.
“Go ahead and try. Let’s see who really loses.”
I opened the office door and left.
Before the door closed behind me, I heard a shout mixed with curses and the sound of a desk being slammed.
“It’s been a while, Prime Minister.”
After finishing my meeting with Blatter, I moved to the next location to meet «N.o.v.e.l.i.g.h.t» Prime Minister Koizumi.
It wasn’t a hotel, nor the Japanese Embassy. Probably one of Japan’s safe houses in Korea.
“Mr. Kim Muhyuk, it’s been a long time.”
Koizumi extended his hand first. I shook it lightly and sat down.
Once Manager Ma and Koizumi’s aides left, only the two of us remained in the room. Silence settled.
Since he had reached out first, it was proper for me to open the conversation.
“I thought we’d never see each other again.”
“Haha, life’s full of strange coincidences...”
“You kept your promise well. But everything you’ve done since then makes you look like someone who no longer wants any ties with me. Funny how people’s hearts change so quickly before and after they go to the bathroom, isn’t it?”
Koizumi had indeed kept his promise to me — and that was the end of it.
We’d each given what we owed, and after that, all contact ceased.
I hadn’t wanted to be entangled with Japanese politicians anyway, and Koizumi probably found me too burdensome to handle.
We had simply forgotten each other’s existence — naturally.
Yet, a day before his scheduled arrival in Korea for the opening ceremony, Koizumi contacted me.
— Mr. Kim Muhyuk, I’d like to meet you privately — just the two of us.
I couldn’t help but wonder why he wanted to see me so insistently. So I accepted his proposal.
And that’s how we ended up sitting face-to-face like this.
“This is an unexpected place. To think the Japanese Prime Minister has a residence in Seoul...”
I glanced around as I trailed off.
Considering his position, this was absurd.
Just the fact that he had a hidden base in Korea could become a major weakness for Koizumi.
“Well, that’s not what’s important. What matters is, I’m quite disappointed in you, Prime Minister. I thought you were a reformist, but everything you’ve done so far is no different from your predecessors.”
In my previous life, Koizumi had often done outrageous things against Korea.
I’d hoped that, through our meeting, he might turn out differently this time.
But Koizumi was walking the exact same path as before — visiting Yasukuni Shrine, claiming sovereignty over Dokdo, and souring the once-warming relations between Korea and Japan.
Koizumi suddenly sighed deeply — as if begging me to ask why. So I did.
“What’s wrong?”
“There’s a reason for everything. Do you think I wanted to do those things?”
“What do you mean?”
“Once I became Prime Minister, I realized something. The Prime Minister is merely a figurehead.”
“...”
What the hell is he talking about? I frowned involuntarily.
Was this an excuse? Saying it wasn’t his will?
“When I took office, I wanted to normalize relations with both Korea and China. But my political base was weak.”
That much I knew. But no matter how factional politics worked, the Prime Minister wasn’t supposed to be a puppet.
Koizumi had been part of the Fukuda faction within the LDP, but after Fukuda’s fall, he’d risen to power on a reformist banner.
Still, Japan’s system didn’t allow its Prime Minister to wield full authority alone.
Everything had to be decided through negotiation with the factions of the Liberal Democratic Party — always trading political favors and interests.
In my previous life, Koizumi had fought hard to dismantle those factional powers.
“You’re being heavily restrained within the party, I see.”
“If it were only internal politics, I wouldn’t be sighing like this. Korea once had a secret cabal called Cheongpunghoe, didn’t it?”
The word Cheongpunghoe coming out of Koizumi’s mouth froze my expression.
Did he not know that group originated from Japan?
“Yes, well. It existed.”
“Right... the Cheongpunghoe that you personally brought down, Mr. Kim. Japan has its own version — a shadowy group manipulating everything from behind.”
“Is that true?”
Koizumi nodded gravely.
“They’re called Daedonghoe — sometimes also Ilhwahoe. You can tell from the name what kind of people they are. Relics of a bygone era — men still dreaming foolish dreams of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere and imperial restoration.”
“...Such people still exist? No, I suppose they could. Japan’s handling of its war criminals was woefully incomplete. But surely the people wouldn’t tolerate them anymore?”
The Japanese public, who had suffered two atomic bombings, no longer desired war.
“Have you noticed the recent surge in anti-Korean and anti-Chinese rallies?”
“That’s common enough in Japan, isn’t it?”
“All of them are orchestrated by Daedonghoe. And not only that — most LDP lawmakers receive their backing. Their orders take precedence over mine.”
I’d seen this pattern before — it reminded me of Chairman Yoon Chang-ho’s old complaints.
“...So? I don’t see what I can do about that.”
“Yes. That’s something I must handle myself. But it should have stayed as mere xenophobic rhetoric... there are signs the Self-Defense Forces are preparing a military action. Without my knowledge.”
“What?”
That was a shock. If the SDF was moving, that meant they were planning a military provocation.
“Are you saying they’re preparing a military strike? Are they insane? Do they think the United States will sit idle?”
This was madness.
Even in my previous life, Japan had committed many atrocities, but direct military aggression had been almost nonexistent.
And now Koizumi was claiming the SDF was preparing for one?
He wasn’t the kind of man to spout nonsense in a setting like this — but it was still hard to believe.
“Daedonghoe believes Japan’s pride was crushed during Russia’s armed provocation. But since they can’t vent their anger on Russia, they plan to take it out on an easier target — Korea...”
“An easier target?”
“Ah, my apologies. I was only quoting their words.”
Koizumi apologized immediately. It wasn’t the time to quibble over phrasing, so I let it pass.
“All right. Let’s move on. So they’re preparing a military operation against Korea? It wouldn’t be a full-scale war... their objective must be Dokdo, right?”
Koizumi nodded.
“They seem to intend to occupy Takeshima. It’s not certain yet, but...”
“You’re telling me a military action could happen without the Prime Minister’s approval? That sounds like a coup d’état. You must replace the command if necessary to stop it.”
A troubled look crossed Koizumi’s face as he exhaled slowly.
“It’s difficult. If I try to stop it, a real coup might break out.”
His tone was firm — he meant it.
“The Defense Agency chief is a core member of Daedonghoe. And the Chief of the Navy Staff is one of their underlings.”
“This isn’t the Meiji Era...”
“Embarrassing, but true.”
“Wait.”
Something felt off.
Even though I cut him off, Koizumi didn’t show annoyance — he simply gave me a light nod and sank into thought.
Why would the Japanese Prime Minister come all the way to Korea to secretly tell me this?
‘If the Self-Defense Forces really occupy Dokdo...’
The U.S. would intervene, preventing an all-out war, but Korea and Japan would cross a point of no return.
The far-right in Japan would rise, and the far-right in Korea would gain more power too.
Why was he telling me this now — to a businessman, not a politician?
Was he blaming me somehow?
Or was there another reason? What was his true motive?
I pulled together everything — memories of my previous life and the experience I’d accumulated in this one — and quickly ran the calculations in my head.
And finally, I reached one conclusion. If what I suspected was true, these people were out of their minds.
“Prime Minister.”
“Yes, Mr. Kim.”
“Is someone in Korea involved in this incident?”
At my question, Koizumi gave me a faint smile.