I turned toward the voice calling me to find a middle-aged man standing there.
“Yes, that’s me.”
“Pleased to meet you. I’m Aleksandr Voloshin, Chief of Staff. The President requests your presence.”
Aleksandr Voloshin had become Chief of Staff on Berezovsky’s recommendation.
He had served in the same position under Yeltsin, then assisted Putin during his tenure as acting president.
Now, in the new government formed under Putin, he continued in the role.
“The President is asking for me?”
I said it loudly enough for others to hear, then excused myself from the group I had been speaking with.
I caught the look of envy in their eyes.
Inside the room Voloshin led me to, Putin was waiting.
He had been seated, studying something intently, but stood up when I entered.
“Mr. Kim, it’s been a while.”
Nearly a year had passed since we’d last met, and now Putin bore the presence of a leader worthy of a vast empire like Russia.
It was the Putin I remembered from the original timeline.
“Yes, Mr. President. It’s been a long time.”
“Have a seat. I don’t have much time, but you were the first person I wanted to meet.”
After a brief greeting, we sat side by side.
“You’ve been busy as always, I see.”
“In business, that’s only natural. The tide changes every day.”
“True. Even so, I didn’t expect the North Korea matter.”
“There was an important reason.”
“I see. More importantly, how did you find the inauguration?”
Rather than probing further about the North, Putin’s eyes sharpened, eager to hear my impression.
“It was very... Russian.”
“Ha-ha, ‘very Russian,’ you say. I’ll take that as a compliment?”
“Of course, Mr. President.”
After the small talk, we moved quickly to the heart of the matter.
“I’ve now secured four years. What do you think I’m going to do with them, Mr. Kim?”
“You dream of a strong Russia, don’t you? And you’ll move toward that.”
I recalled Putin’s inaugural address—short, powerful, and clear in its ambition.
“We can’t divide the world by military might like in the Cold War. Russia doesn’t have that kind of money. In this era, economic power is national power.”
Putin’s tone had turned hard.
If a war broke out between great powers like in World War II, the whole world would be ruined.
The U.S. and Russia both knew this well.
So instead of physical clashes, they had turned to a new form of warfare—using trade, tariffs, and exchange rates as weapons.
And the United States was at the center of every battlefield.
“The times have changed, Mr. President. Since the advent of nuclear weapons, military power has been reduced to a tool for mutual deterrence. You know as well as I do that the moment they’re used, it’s mutual destruction.”
Putin exhaled slowly.
Hearing an unpleasant truth he already knew was never enjoyable.
“So in the end, the only way left to pressure another country is with money. Well, unless it’s a nation without nukes—those you can still use force against.”
“I am not afraid of war. If force is necessary, I’ll use it without hesitation.”
The eyes of the man destined to become Russia’s new tsar gleamed sharply, full of the desire for a new era.
“I’m no warmonger, but I have no intention of being like Yeltsin, bowing to the Americans.”
“You’ll do well, Mr. President.”
In the original history I knew, Putin endured U.S. and Western economic sanctions and still acted exactly as he pleased—sometimes using natural resources to strong-arm Europe, sometimes moving the military outright.
“By the way... you seemed very friendly with Berezovsky.”
Putin asked casually, but there was wariness in his eyes.
I smiled as if it were nothing.
“He’s a business partner. He also acted as a bridge in arranging my meeting with you, Mr. President. Naturally, we’d seem close.”
“Mmm...”
Judging by how he paused, weighing whether to say more, I figured Putin had already decided Berezovsky’s fate.
“Mr. President, if you’re planning to bring the oligarchs to heel, don’t worry about me. Just do as you see fit.”
The very idea that Putin would be gauging my reaction was strange—Russia’s absolute ruler, watching my expression.
“I told you when we first met—I want to be your friend. Whatever you do, I’ll support you.”
“Those are good words to hear. Funny thing, though—this isn’t why I called you, ha-ha.”
Apparently pleased, Putin laughed heartily before finally revealing his purpose.
“Mr. Kim, are you interested in Gazprom?”
“Gazprom?”
“Yes. The Russian government currently holds about 38%, and state-owned companies another 12%. The rest is divided among the oligarchs. I’d like to transfer that to you.”
“But isn’t the 20% foreigners can hold already taken by U.S. and European investors?”
When Yeltsin privatized Gazprom, he handed 20% to foreign investors he was friendly with.
Since foreigners couldn’t own more than that, Gazprom shares weren’t something you could just buy on a whim.
“That’s easy enough—just remove the cap.”
I was momentarily taken aback at the casual reply.
That was an extraordinary privilege, even to me.
Rather than answering right away, I decided it was better to show I was thinking it over.
“Would that really be all right?”
“If the oligarchs sell their shares to another Russian, it just creates a new tycoon. I don’t want to repeat the same mistake. That’s why I thought of you. So, what do you say?”
This was too good to pass up under any circumstances.
Owning Gazprom shares would be far more profitable than investing in its bonds—and it would give me the ability to leverage Russia’s vast reserves of oil and gas as I wished, provided Putin and I were in agreement.
“I’m surprised—this is a very generous offer.”
“You’re the only foreigner I trust, Mr. Kim. There will be conditions, of course, but I think it’s a fair deal.”
“Of course, Mr. President. It’s Gazprom we’re talking about.”
Putin nodded, rubbing his chin thoughtfully.
“I need to strip the oligarchs of power and ease some regulations... so it won’t be immediate. But I can have it in your hands by next year at the latest.”
“Thank you.”
“I’ll also discount the acquisition price. Since we’ll be seizing it from the oligarchs, there’s no need for you to pay full price.”
“Ah, I understand.”
“Ha-ha, this is why I like dealing with you, Mr. Kim.”
He meant the amount saved would be converted into his private slush fund.
For Gazprom shares, I’d gladly pay extra—diverting some to create a slush fund for him was nothing.
“If there are any other companies you’re interested in, let me know. When they come up for sale, I’ll offer them to you first.”
“Thank you.”
Aside from Gazprom, the only company I had my eye on was Yukos, the largest private oil firm in Russia.
But since today’s offer was Gazprom, I didn’t bring it up.
“Well then, enough business talk. I heard you had drinks with Medvedev yesterday?”
“Yes. He seemed troubled.”
“Troubled...?”
Putin trailed off.
Not intending to defend Medvedev, I brought it up myself.
“There’ve been rumors of him being a power behind the scenes since his time as prime minister. That seems to be what’s on his mind.”
“Medvedev is just my friend... but ‘power behind the scenes,’ huh.”
I let him muse, then added, “Because you’re friends, he’s worried his actions might hinder you, Mr. President. I offered him a bit of advice.”
“Really?”
“He’s a smart man—he’ll find his own answer. Let’s wait and see.”
Noise erupted outside.
To make a scene where the president was...
Sure enough, Putin’s brow furrowed.
Then, without knocking, the door opened.
“Ah, Mr. Kim, you’re here too.”
The one who stepped inside was Berezovsky.
“Chairman Berezovsky, what kind of rudeness is this?”
“Ah, Mr. President, my apologies, ha-ha-ha.”
Though he spoke the words, Berezovsky’s face showed no sign of remorse.
Even the Chief of Staff and the bodyguards waiting outside made no move to stop him.
It was hard to tell who was supposed to be the president here.
Without being invited to sit, Berezovsky took a seat on his own.
Putin’s brow furrowed further, but after a shallow sigh, he returned to his usual expression.
“Mr. President, I came because I have something to discuss.”
“...Mr. Kim, let’s speak again later.”
Instead of sending Berezovsky out, Putin turned to me with a polite request.
“It was a pleasure, Mr. President.”
“Next time, we should—”
“No, no, that’s fine. Mr. Kim, you’re involved in this as well, so you might as well stay.”
Berezovsky cut him off.
I stared at him in surprise—such a thing was unimaginable to me.
But Berezovsky seemed entirely unfazed.
“What’s with that look? You and I aren’t just casual acquaintances.”
“No, Chairman. Please, the two of you continue your discussion. I’ll head to the party hall first.”
I politely declined Berezovsky’s invitation and left the room.
Before the door closed behind me, I caught a glimpse of Putin’s hardened face and could read his feelings in it.
‘Whether he’s underestimating Putin or overestimating himself... Now I truly understand why Putin removed Berezovsky.’
As I headed back toward the party hall, I thought about what they might be discussing.
Most likely Berezovsky was pressing Putin to launch an investigation into Gusinsky for tax evasion and embezzlement.
I could picture Berezovsky’s smug expression all too clearly.
But more than that, I felt he was hastening his own downfall.
“Charlie.”
“Ah, Roman.”
When I returned to the party hall, the guests’ eyes turned to me again.
But it was Roman who approached first.
He led me out to the terrace, where the Kremlin’s night view spread before us.
“I heard President Putin sought you out as his first appointment today?”
“It seems he called me in briefly before the official schedule began.”
“Ha-ha, every appointment the president makes is official. I envy you, Charlie.”
Roman’s face betrayed an unmistakable touch of envy.
Feeling slightly embarrassed, I steered the conversation elsewhere.
“While we were talking, Chairman Berezovsky came in.”
Roman nodded, as if he could guess the rest.
“I was speaking with some others earlier, and Gusinsky’s name came up. Chairman said it wasn’t something to delay. I imagine that’s why he went straight in.”
“Is it even acceptable to just barge in on the president like that without permission?”
“Well, I suppose it’s only possible because he’s the chairman.”
To me, aware of how such things would look to someone in power, it was eyebrow-raising. But Roman seemed to take it lightly.
“Hmm... Roman.”
“Yes, Charlie?”
At my serious tone, Roman looked at me curiously.
“I’m saying this out of concern for you, so don’t take it the wrong way.”
“All right, go ahead.”
He had already shown he could switch loyalties to Putin’s line when needed, so perhaps it didn’t need to be said.
But Berezovsky’s behavior today had been even ruder than I’d expected, and it nagged at me.
Because of my involvement, I suspected Putin might move to purge Berezovsky sooner than in the original timeline.
“Don’t take Putin lightly. ❀ Nоvеlігht ❀ (Don’t copy, read here) What you see is not all there is to him.”
With Berezovsky drawing all the attention, those who didn’t know better might unconsciously underestimate Putin.
“You’re a smart man, Roman—you know exactly what I mean, don’t you?”
“...”
“Depending on how you act, you could lose everything you’ve gained in an instant. Keep that in mind, always.”
“Charlie, you mean...”
“That falling back into ruin can happen in a heartbeat.”
I knew it was presumptuous to say.
And I knew it could easily offend.
But I genuinely liked Roman, so I had to say it.
“I’ll take it to heart.”
“I’m glad you didn’t take offense. Always keep an eye on the movements inside the Kremlin. It’s a place where anything can happen.”
“Let’s set aside the heavy talk and get back to football, ha-ha.”
With the mood growing heavy, Roman changed the subject to football.
I followed his lead, enjoying wine and the party.
* * *
The day Kim Muhyuk departed for Russia to attend Putin’s inauguration, Cheon Sooman met with Gong Seungyeon, CEO of Atlantic Law Firm, at an upscale bar.
“Isn’t this dragging on too much?”
“To be honest, our strategy failed. I didn’t think we could lose even after throwing everything at it.” freёwebnoѵel.com
Since there was no way to hide it, Gong Seungyeon admitted the truth plainly.
“The judicial cartel’s influence outranks Ilseong’s scholarship network, and our firm is weaker than Yoon & Jang. The verdict will go in President Kim Muhyuk’s favor.”
“What do you mean, Kim Muhyuk will win?!”
Cheon Sooman had thought that returning to Korea would allow him to reclaim everything.
But he’d gotten nothing back.
Even the Myeongdong bosses he thought were on his side now belonged to Kim Muhyuk.
It infuriated him to see everyone who once bowed to him now bending to Muhyuk instead.
“At this point, it would be better if Chairman Cheon were dead. Then the inheritance would pass to you.”
Gong Seungyeon said it with a casual smile.
The remark—something unimaginable before—made Cheon Sooman flare up.
“Are you mocking me, Ms. Gong?”
“You claim Chairman Cheon’s well-being is so important, yet you keep badgering me about the lack of progress. I’m just pointing out the easiest path.”
“What on earth—!”
“The death of Chairman Cheon Taesan. That’s the simplest way.”
She delivered the final line, then downed a glass of strong liquor in one go.
“Why take the hard road when you can take the easy one?”