Free Web NovelJang Daeho and I exchanged glances for quite a while without saying a word.
“If I could just meet them, I wouldn’t regret giving you everything I have.”
“As I told you before, I have no interest in your assets, Sir.”
It wasn’t because I was some virtuous saint that I was helping Jang Daeho reunite with his family, nor was it because I wanted the shares he held.
“What I’m about to do is to make Chairman Seo Ilseong’s children turn their backs on him. I know full well how hard that will be for you.”
“...I can give up everything. As long as I can see my family again.”
I lightly patted Jang Daeho’s shoulder as he spoke with a resolute expression.
“Sir, all you have to do is help me. Rather than transferring the shares to me, it would be better if you held onto them yourself and raised my hand when the time comes. If I take over all the shares, Ilseong will notice immediately.”
Originally, I had intended to take over the shares outright, but Eva had advised me that receiving the voting rights instead would be better for keeping things under wraps.
Ilseong would never suspect that Jang Daeho would side with me.
“You... Just what kind of grudge do you have against Ilseong to go this far?”
“Part of it is personal, but more importantly, Chairman Seo Yonggeon will get in the way of what I’m planning to do.”
At my cold reply, Jang Daeho shook his head slowly.
“You’re walking a path completely different from Chairman Cheon. I think I understand now why he named you, his grandson, and not his son, as his successor.”
“I’ll take that as a compliment, Sir.”
“I’ve given you my word, so no matter what happens, I’ll raise your hand.”
Emotion lingered in Jang Daeho’s expression as he spoke.
After half a century, he had finally learned that his family was alive, so it was natural he’d feel deeply moved.
“Just bringing me news and photos of my family ⊛ Nоvеlιght ⊛ (Read the full story) was more than enough, but now you’re going to let me meet them? I never dared hope for that.”
“I’ll do my utmost.” freewёbnoνel.com
“Thank you, thank you.”
It seemed his emotions were swelling again.
I decided it would be better to leave him alone so he could gather himself.
“I’ll take my leave now. I’ll come back with good news, Sir.”
I stopped him when he tried to rise to see me out, and stepped outside alone.
“Let’s go back to Seoul.”
“Yes, Boss.”
The work to wrest management control of Ilseong Trading was progressing smoothly.
Only a few days after I returned from China, Han Minkyung called me.
— Muhyuk, did you wrap things up in China?
“Yeah, more or less. How about you?”
— Same as always. But listen, I called because there’s something important.
I remembered Han mentioning before I left for China that he had something to tell me.
“Oh, right. You said you had something back then.”
— Yeah. You have time to talk now?
“Sure. Go ahead.”
Han didn’t call something “important” unless it truly was.
If it was something I’d told him to do, he might argue at first, but once a decision was made, he was the kind of man who would get it done no matter what.
— Remember what you said before?
“About betting on the Nasdaq crash?”
— Yeah. Most of the banks and insurance companies in New York aren’t committing much to those contracts, just in case.
There was a trace of awkwardness in Han’s voice.
He must have run around tirelessly so as not to disappoint me, only to be frustrated that he couldn’t secure as many contracts as I’d hoped.
— But a bank called UT Investment, headquartered in Italy, reached out saying they’d connect us directly to the head office.
“Italy, you say?”
— Yeah. Supposedly someone there can make the contracts as large as we want. But are there really people like that in Italy?
To get the returns I wanted, the amount we’d have to put up as collateral would increase dramatically.
That was what had Han and Eva worried.
“Have you met them yet?”
— Not yet. But it’s strange. Most of the New York banks are doing small deals, and right then, this offer from Italy comes out of nowhere.
“Meet them. Just meet and hear their terms.”
Were there still wealthy families in Italy?
Like Han, I was skeptical, but this wasn’t an opportunity I could pass up.
— Okay. I’ll meet them and decide.
“Good. Anything else?”
— You’re still set on supporting the Republicans in the presidential race, right?
“Yeah.”
— Thing is, the mood in the U.S. is that the Democrats are sure to win. The Al Gore craze is sweeping the country, while the Republican candidate, Bush, has too many weaknesses.
From Han’s perspective, not knowing the future, it was understandable to be uneasy about backing a scandal-prone Bush.
“In America, elections aren’t just about popularity. You can get more total votes and still lose. And the Democrats have already started moving against Dreamhigh.”
The more I spoke, the more irritated I became.
The U.S. administration and now the Democrats, both trying to check me.
“We’re not saints, so we don’t need to support them. Make a show of it, but all real backing goes to the Republicans. We need to be the biggest donor. If we’re not number one, it’s meaningless.”
The so-called greatest democracy in the world was, ironically, the epitome of money politics.
Big corporations and Wall Street power brokers poured vast sums into the candidates they wanted to see win.
In the U.S., controlling the purse strings was the way to win elections.
In return for donations, politicians adopted policies favorable to their benefactors and supported their businesses.
To that end, Washington swarmed with lobbyists working hand-in-hand with the political class.
— Got it. The Republicans actually reached out asking for a meeting.
“Still, we should make a show for the Democrats, so donate about ten million dollars.”
— Honestly, America’s all about money. Makes Korean politics, bad as it looks, seem almost honest by comparison.
I couldn’t help but laugh at Han’s grumbling, because I agreed.
“At least over there, they take it openly and spend it transparently. Here, they just take it under the table.”
Though both Korea and the U.S. had presidential systems, the differences were many.
In the U.S., with its solid separation of powers, Congress often outweighed the president in authority.
In Korea, the legislature was far weaker at checking the president.
“Who’s the Republican lobbyist?”
— Someone who worked in the Bush administration, close to the president. Hard to believe both father and son ended up as presidential candidates.
“That’s good enough to get our message across. And I’ll say it again, we need to be the top donor.”
— Don’t worry.
With the U.S. political matter settled, I had to turn to the most urgent issue.
The shares in Ilseong affiliates and JC affiliates held by foreign banks were causing trouble.
“How’s the acquisition of Ilseong and JC affiliate shares going?”
— Lately, Wall Street’s been keeping its distance from me. Even though we helped them recover their losses in Japan after the Asian financial crisis, they’re acting like this.
Their ingratitude was nothing new, but Han’s voice was heavy with displeasure.
— Still, we’ve secured most of it. Cost a lot, though.
“It’s fair to feel frustrated when you’re not getting much out of Korea.”
— The mood shifted suddenly.
“Jews have started to push back, haven’t they? Most of Wall Street’s capital is Jewish. Can’t be helped. Just secure as much as possible.”
This was something that had to be brought to a close, no matter the cost.
I didn’t want to burden him, but I had to stress it again.
“This is more important than money. Money can be made again anytime. Once Chairman Seo of Ilseong is removed, there’ll be no force left in Korea to check me.”
— Sigh... I’ll try harder.
Han let out a long breath.
Operating in the U.S. wasn’t what it used to be, and he was feeling it firsthand.
“If it gets too hard, tell me, Han.”
— No, I’m fine. I can do it.
“When this is over, let’s buy a small island in Europe and make it a paradise. A place for all of us to rest whenever we want.”
Push someone too hard, and eventually they’ll break.
It wasn’t just me; the people around me also needed the occasional carrot.
— Oh? What’s this? You promise?
“Of course. We have to rest when it’s time to rest.”
— Now I’m motivated again. Let’s talk later, Muhyuk.
“Sure. Hang in there.”
When the call ended, my mind was still busy.
This year was full of major political events worldwide.
The Russian presidential election, Korea’s general election and inter-Korean summit, and the U.S. presidential election — 2000 was a year when global politics would be in upheaval.
In my previous life, I’d been too battered by Cheongpunghoe’s constant attacks to keep my head above water, but this time was different.
This was the year when my relentless drive could finally bear fruit.
“Boss, the Blue House called.”
I was organizing my thoughts when Chief Ma reported.
“They want you to join the June visit to the North.”
“Anything else?”
“No. The request came directly from the presidential chief of staff.”
“From Kim Hakgwon’s perspective, I’m not exactly welcome. I guess he can’t turn down the North’s demands.”
The Kim Hakgwon administration was doing everything possible to achieve inter-Korean normalization.
They’d sought U.S. approval, asked China to mediate, and even funneled money to the North behind the scenes.
“This is the administration’s biggest planned achievement. The chief of staff’s tone was careful, so it seems the request from the North was strong.”
“You didn’t give them an answer yet, right?”
“No, I just said I’d relay it to you.”
I absolutely had to go to the North, but it was obvious the government had no real grasp of the situation.
I’d accept, of course, but I might as well make them sweat.
“Delay the answer as much as possible. Let the Blue House get impatient and keep calling.”
“Understood.”
Time passed.
Contrary to expectations, the Nasdaq and KOSDAQ kept climbing.
Because of that, banks and financial institutions that had been lukewarm were now contacting Eva and Han with renewed enthusiasm.
If the rally continued, both Dreamhigh and Mirae could take a serious hit to their liquidity.
Han and Eva urged me to reconsider, but I stuck to my plan.
* * *
The general election to choose members of the National Assembly finally began.
The Conservative Party, Progressive Party, and Centrist Party had finished all candidate nominations and launched into full-scale campaigning.
Lee Myungsoo was running in Gangnam-gap, Yoon Changho in Jongno.
“Candidate Lee, your role is important.”
The day before campaigning began, Yoon Changho met with Lee Myungsoo one-on-one.
“Yes, Chairman.”
The two spoke over a meal without alcohol, given the busy days ahead.
“But tell me, are you planning to build your own faction?”
“It’s less about a faction and more about helping other rookie politicians like myself.”
“That’s just another way of saying the same thing.”
Yoon spoke casually between bites, but Lee could hear the weight behind his words.
“Did I offend you?”
“Why would I be offended? You want to build your own base — nothing wrong with that. I’m just a little disappointed.”
Which meant that while he might not like seeing factional moves in the party he’d founded, he wasn’t outright hostile to it either.
Lee’s expression stiffened slightly at the word “disappointed.”
“If you’d run as a proportional representative, we might have secured even more seats. Well, it’s in the past now.”
“You’re not just planning to use me for this election and then toss me aside, are you, Chairman?”
“Haha, I told you — it’s just disappointment. No need to take it so seriously.”
Yoon set down his chopsticks and lifted his water glass, and Lee followed suit, trying to ease his own stiffness.
“To have a shot at the next presidential election, we need to win at least 100 seats this time. But judging by the current mood, it’ll be tough, so I was just lamenting — don’t take it too hard.”
Polls showed little change.
The Progressives had their stronghold in Honam, the Conservatives in Yeongnam.
The Centrists had no real base, though they were ahead in Seoul and Gyeonggi.
Yoon wanted meaningful wins in both Honam and Yeongnam as well.
As the once-distant dream of the presidency grew closer, he couldn’t help but grow more ambitious.
“When Kim first suggested forming the party, I didn’t expect much. I was only aiming to meet the requirements for a negotiating group.”
Yoon’s eyes narrowed, as if recalling Kim Muhyuk’s proposal.
“But the game plan Kim laid out shattered my expectations.”
“I joined politics because of Muhyuk too, but it’s harder than I thought — having to care about public opinion and take criticism...”
“You just have to endure it, right?”
Lee silently nodded. He could endure it — for now.
“Build your base if you want. I’m sure it’s all part of Kim’s plan anyway.”
Yoon’s sharp tone softened again.
After all, the rookie politician in front of him was part of Kim Muhyuk’s design.
“Just don’t make too many enemies. Even when you turn down requests for campaign support, do it as gently as possible.”
Some had already come to Yoon to complain.
If this was happening now, once the campaign was in full swing, who knew how many would blame Lee.
Unlike Yoon, who had established himself, Lee was still a newcomer — easier to attack.
“It’ll help your political career more to avoid making one enemy than to make two allies.”
Yoon set his water glass back down on the table as he ended his advice.
