Free Web NovelKoryeo Daily was a newspaper founded during the Japanese colonial period by pro-Japanese collaborators.
While its owners were pro-Japanese, many of its journalists and editors had wanted to turn it into an anti-colonial nationalist paper.
The Governor-General’s Office of Korea cracked down repeatedly, forcing ownership to change hands multiple times, until finally it fell into the hands of Go Eungsu, one of the most notorious collaborators. Koryeo Daily, which had nearly disappeared from history, was quickly revived under his ownership.
Later, by actively supporting figures like Kim Gu and members of the Provisional Government, it buried its pro-Japanese history.
Back then, with new media outlets sprouting everywhere, Koryeo Daily lacked influence. But during the Third and Fifth Republics, by quickly aligning itself with the regimes, it grew rapidly and is now the most powerful newspaper in South Korea.
“Something interesting, you said? You’ve piqued my curiosity.”
Sitting before me was Go Hosun, the eldest son of Go Eungsu—a man who could sway public opinion in Korea with a single word.
“Yes. Fortunately, I acquired it before it ended up in someone else’s hands. If I hadn’t, you would have been in serious trouble, Mr. Go.”
Go Hosun’s demeanor immediately shifted.
“So, this concerns me personally?”
Without a word, I placed a small envelope full of photographs on the table and pushed it toward him.
“Have a look. Then we can talk.”
“Hm...”
Go Hosun picked up the envelope.
Not long after he flipped through the photos, his jaw began to tremble.
“You... what exactly are you trying to pull here?”
I replied calmly.
“There’s not just photos. There’s video, too. If this had fallen into someone else’s hands, even you wouldn’t have been able to stop it.”
“Me? Not able to stop it? I’m Go Hosun. I can turn the president into a worthless scumbag with a single article. You’re making a big mistake.”
Even in his anger, his voice stayed low and controlled.
“Of course. But what if it ends up with Hanminjok Daily? You wouldn’t be able to stop them, would you? That’s a paper that despises Koryeo Daily, isn’t it?”
During the Fifth Republic’s media consolidation, Hanminjok Daily had been forcibly absorbed by Koryeo Daily. As soon as the military regime fell, it was reestablished and had been antagonizing Koryeo Daily ever since.
Though far less influential, it was a persistent thorn, always publishing articles directly opposing Koryeo Daily.
“Hanminjok Daily? Hahaha.”
Go Hosun let out a sharp, mocking laugh, then slammed the photos down on the table.
“So why are you showing me this? You want something, don’t you?”
“I intend to take down Cheongpunghoe.”
Go Hosun looked at me like I was insane.
“You? Cheongpunghoe? Do you really think that’s possible?”
“Absolutely.”
“You’re young—full of confidence. Cheongpunghoe isn’t some pushover organization. Even our newspaper is full of their mouthpieces. Not just us—most of Korea’s press works for them.”
He waved his hand dismissively, as if I were talking nonsense.
His words showed just how deep Cheongpunghoe’s influence ran.
But I didn’t care.
“Koryeo Daily can change its editorial stance with just one word from you, Mr. Go. Whether you help me destroy Cheongpunghoe or Koryeo Daily collapses before they do—that’s your choice.”
“Ridiculous. I must have misjudged you. Even Chairman Cheon never spoke to me like this. Did you think flashing these photos would make me squirm? I’m Go Hosun.”
He was far too convinced of his own power. But then, in Korea, being at the top of Koryeo Daily gave him reason to be.
“Because of the connection you had with my grandfather, I came to you first. But if you refuse, we won’t have this kind of polite conversation again.”
“So you’re trying to blackmail me? With a few photos and a video?”
His face twisted with anger.
“Did you ever think you might fall before I do? I could splash your identity across the front page tomorrow. Don’t test my patience. Hand over the photos and video right now.”
I dropped the smile I’d been wearing the entire time.
“Mr. Go, this is the last time I’ll ask. Will you help me take down Cheongpunghoe, or will you go down with them? Are you fine with your granddaughter’s face being exposed to the entire nation? And those photos are just a fraction of it. The video...”
I grimaced in disgust.
“...honestly, it’s nauseating. Like something out of Animal Kingdom.” ƒrēewebnoѵёl.cσm
Go Hosun shot to his feet, shouting.
“Do you want to die? You dare... you dare speak Mi-ju’s name in front of me?!”
His lips were trembling furiously.
But I wasn’t intimidated in the slightest.
“You’re going to expose me? Go ahead. The moment you do, your ads will start disappearing. Maybe you’re not afraid of the chaebols, but are you really not afraid of Myeongdong? Try me.”
At the mention of cutting off advertisements, Go Hosun flinched.
I looked away, disgusted that he reacted more to the threat of lost ad revenue than to his granddaughter’s humiliation.
“I’ll start with Joongwoo Group’s ads. And with the shares and bonds I hold in other major corporations, pulling ads from Koryeo Daily won’t be difficult. You know this. I could interfere in chaebol succession whenever I want. Try me.”
Go Hosun said nothing.
“If not Koryeo Daily, then Jungsim Daily. If not Jungsim, then Dongsung Daily. If not them, I’ll go to every other paper one by one. Do you really think every outlet in Korea will refuse me?”
Those so-called major dailies had always remained in Koryeo Daily’s shadow. Given the chance, they might gladly side with me.
Of course, working with Koryeo Daily was preferable. There was a reason it was number one.
“I think I’ve explained enough. Choose, Mr. Go. Right here, right now. I can’t give you time to think.”
His eyes wavered as he stared at me for a long time before speaking.
“Are you really confident you can destroy Cheongpunghoe? They have Japan behind them. You know that, don’t you?”
“Do you think Japan has the time to protect Cheongpunghoe? They’ll be too busy putting out the fire at their own feet.”
“...You have something, don’t you. Fine. Give me the photos and video, and I’ll think about it.”
I shook my head with a smile.
“Don’t be ridiculous. I said no. You’ll give me your answer now. I’m going to cut Cheongpunghoe’s throat in one blow. I can’t give them time to regroup.”
Finally, his choice was made.
“...What do you want me to do?”
“Tomorrow, run a front-page story exposing Cheongpunghoe to the world. Make it as sensational as possible—something that will enrage the public. With the materials you have, it won’t be difficult. Don’t say you don’t have them. I know exactly what kind of man you are.”
At my words, which hit the mark, Go Hosun stared blankly for a moment, then looked at me as if seeing a ghost.
“You have it, don’t you? The list of Cheongpunghoe’s core members.”
“H-how do you...”
In the future, there had once been leaked documents online, supposedly a Cheongpunghoe membership list. Whether true or fake, rumors had spread that its source was Koryeo Daily.
“Let’s start tomorrow. Just like with Korea, the hyenas will be all over Japan once this begins.”
“...Give me the photos and video.”
I shook my head again.
“When the paper hits the stands, I’ll burn them. No reason to dirty your eyes with them.”
“And why should I trust you?” freewёbnoνel.com
“Trust me.”
After a long moment of silence, Go Hosun finally nodded.
* * *
Meanwhile, following Kim Muhyuk’s instructions, Han Kyungyeong met with Wall Street figures.
“We’ll have to move up the schedule.”
“Got word from Washington. What do you need us to do?”
“Exactly what you always do.”
“Japan’s dollar reserves aren’t like other countries. It won’t be easy to shake them.”
George Soros was right—Japan’s foreign reserves were massive.
“But still not larger than the U.K.’s reserves you toppled, George.”
At that, Soros nodded.
“And the funds for the attack?”
“We could launch tomorrow if needed. Don’t worry.” Han Kyungyeong’s voice was firm.
After a pause, Soros laid out the plan.
“First, we use Moody’s to downgrade their national credit rating.”
Just like in Korea, the first strike came from credit rating agencies.
“Good. Let’s begin.”
“Full-scale attack the moment the Japanese market opens Monday.”
Thus, Wall Street’s assault on Japan was set in motion.
A few days later, Wall Street dropped a small bombshell that sent Japan into a panic.
It wasn’t a nuclear weapon like the one that had once defeated Japan, but something new—a weapon called credit ratings.
The once-proud second-largest financial power in the world spent a frantic weekend trying to respond to Moody’s downgrade.
But the real strike began Monday, with U.S. Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin’s statement:
“Japan is destabilizing not only Asia’s economy but the global economy. The Treasury will hold them fully accountable.”
As Wall Street launched its attack, Japan’s economy spiraled out of control.
The yen, which had been holding at 100 yen per dollar, shot up to 120 yen in a single day. The Nikkei plunged as markets closed.
The Japanese government scrambled to hold emergency meetings and called the White House repeatedly, but Washington’s only response was to demand reforms.
“Muhyuk, it’s begun.”
— Good. Japan’s economy is too big for the IMF to step in like they did with us. Eventually, the Japanese government and the White House will strike a deal. Until then, drain as much strength from them as possible.
“New York’s in full celebration.”
And why wouldn’t they be? Japan was such a huge prey that even splitting it among many was like devouring the entire Thai market.
Japanese securities firms and banks teetered on the brink of bankruptcy. Wall Street’s gaze shifted from Korea to Japan.
* * *
The day Moody’s downgraded Japan, South Korea was in uproar over Koryeo Daily’s front-page headline:
[The Organization Controlling South Korea: Cheongpunghoe]
The detailed exposé enraged the public.
A secret group made up of pro-Japanese descendants and ghosts of the military dictatorship.
The people, who had known nothing, felt deeply betrayed. Everywhere, people were talking about /N_o_v_e_l_i_g_h_t/ Cheongpunghoe.
Once Koryeo Daily started, the other newspapers had no choice but to follow.
Each released their own “exclusive” reports with whatever information they had on Cheongpunghoe.
‘Now’s the time. Cheongpunghoe is in chaos.’
It was time to cut off Lee Yonghyeon’s limbs.
Recently, a new Moneylending Act had passed, forcing all lenders to register with the government.
Rush & Money was aggressively marketing loans to ordinary citizens with an outrageous 45% interest rate.
Myeongdong Capital’s subsidiaries began squeezing them by offering lower rates.
When Myeongdong Capital lowered rates by 1%, Rush & Money followed; then Myeongdong lowered them again. A brutal chicken game.
“Drop it to 20%. They won’t be able to keep up. And advertise that customers refinancing Rush & Money loans get another 1% off.”
Japan, Cheongpunghoe, and Korea’s loan companies—all attacked at once.
As I was making calls and giving orders, Manager Ma entered to report.
“We’ve got him.”
“Good. Let’s go.”
It was time to end an old connection.
After a long drive, we arrived at an abandoned factory.
The massive steel doors creaked open. Inside, a man knelt on the ground, bound tightly.
“Long time no see.”
< Trust Me > End.
